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CREATION

A WORLD CENTRE

OF COMMUNICATION

JUSTIFICATION DU TIRAGE

EDITION ANGLAISE

270 Exemplaires numerates sur papier a main (N rs r a 270)
20 Exemplaires sur papier de luxe a main (N os 1 a 20)

N. 83

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CREATION

OF A

WORLD CENTRE

OF COMMUNICATION

OLIVIA CUSHING ANDERSEN

AND

HENDRIK CHRISTIAN ANDERSEN

LEGAL ARGUMENT

FROM THE

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

UMANO

THE ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

Prof. JEREMIAH W. JENKS

ROME

ANNO MDCCCCXVIII

--—----■————

711.1

Ab4

■ ' i *

T he first volume of this work was dedicated in loving

MEMORY TO MY BROTHER, ANDREAS M. ANDERSEN, TAKEN BY
DEATH FROM THIS WORLD IN THE FULL BLOOM AND VIGOUR OF LIFE

AND CREATIVE WORK.

LEFT TO CONTINUE MY TASK ALONE, I SHOULD UNDOUBTEDLY HAVE
FAILED, HAD NOT HIS DEVOTED WIFE, OLIVIA CUSHING ANDERSEN,

COME TO MY ASSISTANCE.

HER LOYALTY AND PURITY OF SPIRIT, ABOUNDING IN THE MOST
ARDENT DESIRE TO UPHOLD CLEARLY BEFORE THE WORLD A VISION
THAT, PRACTICALLY CARRIED OUT, WOULD THROUGH UNITY AND
LOVE HARMONISE THE DIVINITY OF GOD IN MAN, FILLED MY SOUL
WITH AN INCONTROLLABLE PASSION AND SECURITY OF FAITH TO
CONTINUE TO WORK FOR HUMANITY AS A WHOLE.

I OWE TO HER GENTLE-SPIRIT AND UNTIRING AID THE COMPLETION
OF THIS BOOK, AND WITH A HEART FULL OF GRATITUDE, TO HER

I DEDICATE THIS VOLUME

■

With the keenest sympathy and appreciation, 1 wish to convey my
deep gratitude to the many collaborators who have assisted me tn
' accomplishing this volume.

The untiring energy and valuable counsel as well as the inspiring
suggestions of Olivia Cushing Andersen, have been of vital assistance
to me.

To M. Ernest Hebrard , aided by his brother , M. Jean Hebrard,
I am indebted for the architectural execution of the plans and elevations
here presented. Their artistic taste and excellent judgment of practical
planning upon colossal lines , have facilitated my giving a definite form
to this World Centre. I also extend my warm appreciation to their
assisting architects and draughtsmen as well as to the painters and
engineers who have contributed valuable counsel and shown exquisite
taste in their work upon these plans.

I am indebted to Umano for his contribution of the legal
argument , taken from his Positive Science of Government and to Olivia
Cushing Andersen for the translation of the same; to Professor
Jeremiah Jenks for his contribution of the economic text; to Vicomte
Raoul de Nolva for the French version , and to Ditta Augusta Danesi
for their careful execution of the phototypy , also to the Ditta Garroni,
for the printing , of this volume.

Hendrik Christian Andersen
3, Piazza del Popolo , Rome.

LEGAL PART

UMANO

FORMER ITALIAN JUDGE

ECONOMIC PART

JEREMIAH W. JENKS, PH. D„ L. L. D.

FORMER PROFESSOR OF GOVERNMENT AND DIRECTOR OF THE DIVISION
OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
MEMBER OF THE UNITED STATES EMIGRATION COMMISSION

ARCHITECTURAL PART

ERNEST M. HfeBRARD

ARCHITECT OF THE PREKCH GOVERNMENT
GRAND P RIX D E ROME

MEDAILLE d'HONNEUR All SALON DES ARTISTES FRANCA IS DE 19IO

Assisted by his brother

JEAN HEBRARD

FORMER PR OF E S S O R OF ARCHITEtT ERE
AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY ITHACA N. V. (u. S. A).

PHOTOTYPY BY AUGUSTO DANES!
TYPOGRAPHICAL IMPRESSION BY RICCARDO GARRONI - ROME.

•1

Ernest M. HERRARD, arch

■«" s- aa- v; r?E .la towe iqhu prcdsres

iov Vijtin

PREFACE

A short time before the outbreak of the present Great War, the first vol¬
ume of a World Centre of Communication was published with the
sincere desire of laying down a definite plan and practical solution for
facilitating friendly relations between countries, and was presented to the Rulers,
Parliaments, leading Libraries and Universities of the world, and to a few spe¬
cially distinguished individuals, internationally known to have contributed by
their broad views and sympathies to the general welfare and fundamental
structure of international life. This volume, besides illustrating the development
of city planning from prehistoric times to the present, contained the practical
working plans, scientifically carried out in detail, for a World Centre City — to
serve as a covenant between peoples — in which to unite and house the most
essential international interests known definitely to be useful and necessary to
all Nations alike, and which, from all indications, must by force of circumstances
logically develop into a harmonious form of organisation.

War, stimulating the quickest and most efficient means for destroying
life, is today the most complete scientific development in existence. Military
force, ruled and controlled by science, is now so perfect that man’s machinery
for destruction has grown stronger than himself, and cannot be arrested byfone
man or one group of men or one Nation.

Only one thing can counteract it: a counter-science — that is, the science
of legitimately controlling international affairs. Not a science for destroying life,
but for creating it with harmony, logic and divine reason, so that Nations may
freely expand and develop, and tyranny, malice and hatred may eventually
disappear from the earth.

In all parts of the world scientific manifestations of the most appealing
kind are created and scattered, often becoming ineffectual and weak because
of lack of unity. They are nowhere centralised as they should be for all men’s
use. Yet, as the means for destroying life have been brought together, studied,
developed and used, with the result of almost world-wide destruction, so the
scientific means for preserving, uplifting and beautifying life — law, medicine,

PREFACE

hygiene, art, physical culture, all branches of science, religion and education,
in fact, all that elevates the body and develops it, all that purifies the intellect
and expands it — should be brought together and centralised to form the
counter-science needed for the abolition of war, and for the reconstruction
rendered obligatory by its devastations.

As an effectual machinery for human development and harmony, the
World Centre was conceived. For this reason its buildings for commerce,
transport, industry, labour, medicine, hygiene, electricity and invention, agricul¬
ture, law, criminology, its International Court of Justice and Temple of Religions,
its international press bureau and clearing house, its international colleges and
its Avenue of the Nations, in 'which to present the products, industry and
commerce of each Nation, were practically planned. To spread the idea of
such a world reunion of all the common necessities of life, the first volume of
plans was published and presented to the Governments, Libraries and Univer¬
sities of the world. The large original drawings of the plans, conceived by the
author and carried out under the direction of Vlr. E. Hebrard, architect for the
French Government, with the assistance of some forty architects, engineers and
artists, are at the disposal of the Governments for their consideration.

The present volume, containing the legal and economic aspects of a World
Centre, forms a sequel to the first. The legal argument, “ The Positive Science
of Government ”, is contributed by Umano. The economic argument, “ Eco¬
nomic Advantages of a World City ”, is the result of investigations by Dr. Je¬
remiah W. Jenks — one of the ablest American economists — and of his staff
of collaborators, who, working in harmony, after several years of research have
facilitated a clear comprehension of the many economic reasons for the practical
utility and definite establishment of a World Centre of Communication.

Umano, a distinguished scientist and philosopher and former, judge from
Milan, after 18 years of practice, renounced his judgeship to devote himself to
problems of religion and government, and has evolved a system — world
embracing in its scope and utility, noble and profound in its intention — which,
it is not too much to say, places him among Italians in the rank of Macchia-
velli, Galileo, Giordano Bruno or Mazzini.

The Positive Science of Government, which we here publish, forms part
of his system tending to bind all the scientific knowledge of our own day into
a consecutive whole, leading from the life of the body to that of the spirit, and
including the historical development of peoples from the earliest times of bar¬
barous anarchy, through the present state of international anarchy, to the true
International State, the constructive functioning of which will be found fully
explained in the second part of his work in the present volume. On account

PREFACE

of the great length and intricate profundity of the original text, it is not possible
to publish here the whole of this great work on government, that can be exam¬
ined by scholars nor to follow the exact order of development chosen by
the author. To render it accessible without the prolonged study otherwise nec¬
essary, the method has been adopted of presenting his essential line of argument
leading directly to its conclusion — which is the complete and probably only
solution of the war problem and future world harmony: the International Consti¬
tution — a solution which, in an attempt to prevent such a war as the present,
Umano outlined in his “ Essai de Constitution Internationale ” (Comely & C ie .,
Paris, 1907) and the functioning of which involves the creation of a World Centre
of Communication.

President Wilson, in his message to Russia, “ What are we fighting for ?”
was inspired to say: “ Practical questions can only be settled by practical means.
Phrases will not accomplish the result. Effective readjustment will; and
whatever readjustments are necessary must be made ”. And further; “ The
free people of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some
genuine and practical cooperation that will in effect combine their force to secure
peace and justice in the dealings of Nations with one another. The brotherhood
of mankind must be given a structure of force and legality. The Nations must
realise their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life
against the agressions of autocratic and self pleasing power

In the sincere faith that such a convenant can be formed by the Inter¬
national Constitution, that it can function by means of a World Centre of Com¬
munication, and that the moral, spiritual, intellectual and economic advantages
proceeding there-from, will effectually unite and belong to the world as a whole
— we present this legal, economic and architectural conception, created to serve
people of all Nations, in the earnest hope that those who have the power to
act upon it will do so, for the sake of uplifting the immortal spirit of humanity
and of furthering its development.

HENDRIK CHRISTIAN ANDERSEN.

Rome, igi8.

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•■‘ill

PART I

A WORLD CENTRE

COMMUNICATION

LEGAL ARGUMENT

FROM THE

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

UMANO\\

FORMER ITALIAN JUDGE

■

INTRODUCTION

A s, in order to read, it is necessary to
have learned the alphabet — so in order
to speak of politics it is necessary to have
learned the meaning of political words. As
in order to speak of any branch of learning
it is necessary to know the principles relat¬
ing to it — so in order to speak of govern¬
ment and politics it is necessary to have
principles relating to government and politics
at one’s command.

As in order to cure a sick man it is neces¬
sary first to know from what illness he suffers,
and to know from what illness he suffers, it
is necessary to have medical knowledge and
in order to have medical knowledge it is
necessary to have taken the trouble to study
medicine thoroughly and not to be content
with the old empirical follies of herbalists,
witches, priests and barbers — so in order
to save the Nations suffering from a disease
such as is this war, it is necessary first to
know what causes the war disease it is
necessary to have a science of government,
and to have a science of government it is
necessary to take the trouble of studying it
positively and not to be content with the old
empirical follies.

II.

The alphabet and the meaning of words !
Positive principles and the science of gov¬
ernment ! But these — many will object —
are things taught in schools and already
known.

They are taught in schools and already
known? Very well then. Let him who can

without causing a smile, say — wTat is ar¬
bitrariness — what is law — what are rights
and du ties — what are justice, equity, liberty;
independence, the State, the Kingdom, the
Fatherland, the Nation. Then he may talk
about the rest — about representative gov¬
ernment in comparison with despotic gov¬
ernment — about war and peace — about
civilisation — about nationality.

One need but issue this invitation in
order to see lips — after a disconcerted pause
either prudently close or else open to utter
a torrent of arrogant and foolish words.

Let us say rather that nothing is known
on these subjects just because we have not
yet wholly, scientific institutions. This is
known by professors in all countries.

III.

For reasons which we shall learn, schools
are not yet wholly scientific institutions.

Many of them are still party instruments.
Scientific truth is not yet wholly taught in
them, but only that part of it which, because
of privileged or superstitious interests, it
pleases men in government to disseminate.

In Universities, the Law School is the
one of which this is most true. This school,
a very temple to those many minds who
understand the supreme civilising impor¬
tance of law, is for many deficient or super¬
ficial persons, merely a field in which they

INTRODUCTION

know that they can hide their deficiencies or
defend their superficiality.

Public Right — which is the principal
part of this school, and consists in the rela¬
tions between individuals and the relations
between the several States — is still as em¬
pirical as was medicine before anatomy was
known. In this school they have not ad¬
vanced beyond dissertations upon Pure
Right, upon the rights of man isolated from
society or from contact with his fellows, upon
ideal and absolute Right to which this in¬
evitably led — to the confusion between right
and morality — to the absurdities about the
right of peoples — the imbecilities about the
just which is good, beautiful and true, the
good which is beautiful, true and just, etc.
No positive principles of the Science of
Right upon which scholars can concordantlv
found their various legal tendencies and their
several political parties, are taught in these
schools. Only empirical phrases are taught
in them which anybody, even if deficient, can
employ, and the more so if he be a superficial
student. And it is because of these phrases
that politics and justice are in the present
state of confusion.

In the condition we are in, a university
professor who wishes to teach positive prin¬
ciples of physics, of chemistry, of biology, or
of astronomy is more or less respected and
is allowed to dev so. But a professor who
should desire to teach positive principles of
government would not find a Commission
that would give him his Chair. It is for this
reason that the cultured and uncultured,
when they speak of politics are about on a
par. It is for this reason that in speaking
with more or less presumption of politics on
the basis of what was taught them in schools
or of what, as the result of such education,
they hear in speeches or read in newspapers,
both uncultured and cultured have 99 chan¬
ces to 1 of saying foolish things. And it is
for this reason that when a foreigner is to be
honoured with an academic degree, the Uni¬
versity of the place names him doctor juris,
even if his profession is that of a famous
bridge-builder. In fact, the science of right

having remained occult and astrological, one
may presume that the newly-honoured per¬
son also, by means of his ability, can somehow
catch hold and speak on this subject like a
doctor.

Briefly, if the Pharaohs and the Chal¬
deans could return to life, they would feel
humiliated at not understanding anything of
what is taught today by all the other Uni¬
versity Faculties. Discouraged, they would
feel like inhabitants of another planet. But
when they entered the Law School, they
would feel relieved. They would utter joy¬
ful cries. They would throw their arms
about their neighbours’ necks, exclaiming,
<( Brothers, friends, descendants, certainly
we understand you! You truly are worthy
of us, your ancestors ». Indeed the falsities
and stupidities still taught in University Law
Schools are exactly the same as in the time of
the Pharaohs and Chaldeans.

IV.

It was by reason of these surviving
falsehoods that the present war was made
possible. And therefore this war will be
defined in history as the GREAT war OR GREAT
IGNORANCE.

It Is useless to make faces, useless to pro¬
test, useless to gesticulate with arms and legs
in order to deny this assertion, which goes
against so many writings and speeches, and
against so many publications illustrative of
the war. This war will be defined in history
thus — THE GREAT WAR OF GREAT IGNORANCE.

Certainly today the precise and indispu¬
table tone of this affirmation may sound of¬
fensive to many ears. But it will have a
welcome sound on the day in which the fol¬
lowing — or another Positive Science of Gov¬
ernment — will have been found necessary
and will have finally driven out the poison of
divine right which, as it was first cause of the
monstrous political ignorance that has sur¬
vived till our day, so was chief element in all
past wars and in this war too. Then it will
be understood that this war was bound to

INTRODUCTION

occur at the time it did, because on the one
side it was engineered throughout long years
of diabolical and marvellous preparatory
measures to take place at this time — on the
other side its occurrence at this time was
rendered easy because of long years of absurd
and ridiculous talk against it.

This may be so — many others will object
— it may be true, but now is not the time to
study and learn, now that the war is pressing
upon everybody and distracting minds from
a calm study of social and political problems.
If even before the war everybody, owing to
the stress of modern life, found it impossible
to come to a calm understanding of things,
imagine whether this can be done now in the
midst of war and when there is such need for
quick action.

To say this is indeed to speak hastily,
without reflecting that comprehension is the
first and most important part of action. It
is to speak not as relatives of but as strangers
to the dead and dying in war. It is to speak
not as thinking altruists but as thoughtless
egoists. It is as if one should say. « The
patient N. N. is in a serious condition, and
the worst of it is that nobody has yet discov¬
ered the nature of the illness that is carry¬
ing him to the grave. Study is necessary.
A microscopic examination of the blood and
urine should be made in order to discover the
disease and the remedy that may cure it.
But there is no time for this now. Now he
must be treated with the usual remedies,
even if these be empirical and incapable of
saving him from death. »

To say that there is not time is to speak
hurriedly without reflecting that, while some
should attend to the patient meanwhile, with
the empirical and unpromising remedies in
use, others should attend to the study of
the disease and to its certain cure by means
of the real remedy. Which is as to say,
that while some people should attend to
curing this war by means of the empirical
and unpromising remedy of victory, others

should attend to studying the war disease for
the sake of applying to this war the real and
certain remedy which is the end of all wars.

VI.

Haste, which in our time the many ways
of rapid locomotion have brought to the point
of folly, has really become a calamity against
which a special public health committee
should provide the necessary measures. How
many evils today are created by hurry and
by the arrogant and stupid presumption it
■produces, can hardly be imagined. The out¬
break of this deadly and destructive war
could have been delayed, and in the mean¬
time perhaps avoided for ever, if it had not
been for hurry and its accompanying arro¬
gant and stupid presumption, because of
which war was declared, when more time for
consideration might have shown that resist¬
ance would not be so spiritless as seemed to
be expected.

It is because of haste, aggravated by
governmental ignorance and warlike anger,
that in the terrible perils of this war we hear
such absurdities as the following. Each side
says that this war must end by its own vic¬
tory ; but each one adds that, afterwards, the
barbarism of wars must cease.

Not more absurd would be two fighters
each one of whom should say to the other
that he will bite off his opponent’s ear and
then live at peace with him. Each one would
say this trusting that he himself would suc¬
ceed in biting off the other’s ear. But the
one who remained disfigured and earless
would speak again and declare that his op¬
ponent must consent to wait, the time for
peace not having yet come since he must first
bite off both the other’s ears before it could
be considered.

No more absurd would be the inhabit¬
ants of a street, who, continually fighting and
stabbing one another, should one day pro¬
claim that they must really conclude their
quarrels and stabbings, to which end they
would propose having one final battle,

one

VIII

INTRODUCTION

last outburst of savagery, after which they
would agree to live in civilised and durable
peace.

Precisely at this mental level are those
who say — « The barbarism of wars must
end. Nations must give themselves a civi¬
lised adjustment. This war must be the last.
Forward, therefore, with every kind of old
and new armament so that we can seize from
each other such regions and provinces as we
can tear away. Then we shall live in civi¬
lised and durable peace. » Such people, be¬
cause of haste, aggravated by ignorance and
anger, do not reflect that if there should be a
victor after so horrible a war, the vanquished,
whichever he may be, will certainly not be a
coward. Vengeance will be his one great
and magnificent aim in life. If his own gen¬
eration should be incapable of carrying it
out, the next or future generations will deem
such vengeance a sacred duty.

It is because of haste, aggravated by
governmental ignorance and warlike anger,
that the same absurdity is repeated in another
form — that is, in saying that after this war
there will be a Society of Nations , that will
prevent the possibility of other wars — with¬
out, however, stating the constitutive terms
of this Society, which if known beforehand
might well be the agreements by which the
conflicts of this war could be solved. This
absurdity is similar to that of doctors who
standing about a patient should say — « We
have a sure remedy for this kind of disease,
but we won’t give it to this patient; we will
give it to him after having vainly, with dam¬
age to his organism and with peril to his
life, made him drink all the old empirical
and useless remedies ».

And it is because of haste, aggravated by
ignorance and anger, that — just as without
due reflection the outbreak of this war was
allowed to occur — so, after the hope of a
triumphant victory was found to be a delu¬
sion, the pretence began that this war should
end by leaving the world as it was before,
without the trouble of finding a radical rem¬
edy for the future. And thus many do noth¬

ing but sigh for the war to end quickly and
in the usual way, that is, by the misfortune
of another peace treaty, another scrap of
paper.

VII.

A still greater misfortune than this war
hangs over poor humanity, which does not
perceive it and goes unawares to meet it.
The greatest misfortune would be for this
war to end in the usual way, that is, by the
usual peace treaty.

— But wars can only end by peace
treaties.

— They can only end by peace treaties
when they are to be followed by other wars.
In fact, all the wars that have occurred were
preceded by peace treaties and consisted in
the tearing up of the same. Briefly, while
the anarchical barbarism of national inde¬
pendences lasts and there is lacking an Inter¬
national Constitution — which shall constrain
States to live together legally, and give
the Nations and individuals of which it is
composed the possibility of dominating by
their own forces of mind, body and wealth,
as in individual, communal or national af¬
fairs, so in international affairs — the neces¬
sity of alternative war and peace can but per¬
sist. Such peace always has been and con¬
tinues to be a deceptive pause between -wars.
Peace treaties always were and still are noth¬
ing but scraps of paper, such as, for example,
rent contracts would be in a Nation where no
national governmental authority existed to
give them legal value and enforcement.

It is the will of all Their Belligerent
Majesties, Excellencies and Newspapers that
this war should be carried through so thor¬
oughly as never to be repeated and as to
end in a truly durable peace. The rulers of
the attacked Nations make it their special
business to repeat to the point of boredom
that « an inconclusive peace would be favour¬
able to Germany and that they have decided
not to lay down arms until they have reached
the aim which seems to them to be above all
others, that of rendering impossible the rep¬
etition of such criminal aggression as that

INTRODUCTION

of which the imperialism of the Central
Empires bears the responsibility ». Very
well then. We echo this statement but add
— this war must be so thoroughly carried
through as to end in something very different
from the usual peace treaty.

But while we say that this war must not
end in the usual way, we must nevertheless
realise that ignorance, anger and haste may
cause it to end in precisely this way, that is,
with the usual peace treaty, with another
scrap of paper. Because ignorance, anger
and haste hide all the absurdity of a new
peace treaty that, suddenly, in a month, may
be written secretly, behind the peoples’
backs, by autocratic and democratic minis¬
ters. With memorable pens, on the memor¬
able cloth of the memorable table in the
memorable hall set apart for the memorable
meetings of the memorable peace delegates,
the memorable new treaty will be written and
become — a new scrap of paper that, secretly
behind the peoples’ backs, must solve that in¬
finitude of international conflicts which have
cropped up, owing to which this war broke
out, and that other infinitude of international
conflicts which have cropped up on the fields
of this same war. A new scrap of paper that
must solve once for all, secretly and behind
the peoples’ backs, all the past, present and
future European, Asiatic, African and Amer¬
ican conflicts of Kingdoms and Empires, of
Nations and peoples, of races and civilisa¬
tions, in a word, all the eventual conflicts
capable of causing wars. It is impossible
not to laugh even in the midst of such trag¬
edy, so ridiculous are the rocks that, in the
shape of statesmen, emerge from the political
ocean believing this and causing it to be
believed.

And to think that in the midst of such
jpyramidal senselessness there are those who
repeat that now is not the time to study and
learn, that war distracts minds from any deep
comprehension even more than did the fe¬
verish and hurried life before the war.

Haste then, even more than governmen¬
tal ignorance or warlike anger, arrogant
and stupidly presumptuous haste is the great¬
est enemy of the day and must be feared,
fought and conquered.

VIII.

In order to find a worthy way out of this
war, it will be necessary to bury the empiri¬
cal stupidities about Public Right which, hav¬
ing come from despotisms and having been
overthrown in revolutionary tumults, are
nevertheless still taught in schools and are
still chattered about in State affairs and
consequently veil the eyes and cloud the
minds that are taking part in this great hu¬
man crisis.

To undertake a positive governmental
study is the only way of issuing from this
horrible war with sanity and safety. Its
importance is comparable to the positive
study of an incomprehensible and horrible
bodily disease which is to be cured. But as
this undertaking is now prepared for by the
pregfent work, it can be accomplished even in
a short time. In order to do this it will
suffice that the men in government called to
be the « authentic interpreters of the peoples
for whom they stand)) (the phrase is As¬
quith’s) should not be the deafest of all. To
them, therefore, earnest and attentive we
hope, we make our first appeal.

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CHAPTER I.

FROM THE BARBARISM OF INDIVIDUALS IN THE NON-STATE OF
ANARCHICAL INDEPENDENCES AMONG THEMSELVES, TO THE
PRIMITIVE CIVILISATION OF THESE INDIVIDUALS HERE AND
THERE LEGALLY ORGANISED INTO TRIBE STATES.

Civilisation is the passing from anarchy
to government, and is not confined to human¬
ity, but is attained in a certain degree by the
inferior animals also.

The greater part of the beasts of which
we have knowledge do not progress, because
they are a residuum of those that once lived.
This residuum was produced by man through
a process of inverse selection, and consists
of large and small beasts cerebrally inferior,
which escaped extermination because of their
vegetarian harmlessness but which were
reduced to breeding slavery, that is, to a
fatiguing, rationed and guarded existence.
Or else it consists of small, cerebrally infe¬
rior carnivorous beasts, neither exterminat¬
ed by man nor adopted from anarchy by him,
but left to a life of preying persecution, that
is, to a precarious and fugitive existence.

The beasts brought by man from anarchy
to a state of breeding slavery, possessing
little liberty of movement yet having at the
same time the necessities of life, were thus
exonerated from the offensive and defensive
actions of the struggle for existence. As a
consequence of their brains thus undergoing
little constraint towards reflective develop¬
ment, these animals remained and still
remain fatally condemned to an existence
guided almost entirely by instinct and very
little by reason, therefore to a low, unpro¬
gressive life, no different from that of their
beast ancestors.

But a few species of volatiles and insects
— having, because of their power of high
flight or their extreme smallness, been able
to escape extermination as well as the breed¬
ing slavery and preying persecution of man,
were in a position to maintain their liberty
anarchically unlimited until, by the cerebral
progress of their successive generations, they
also reached the point of knowing how to
limit it through government. They were
able, that is, to overcome the natural non-
State of anarchy and to develop some aptitude
towards the industry of government. They
were capable, in short, the more so if insects,
of organising themselves into a despotic and
tyrannical government, that is, into the prim¬
itive governmental form. And they give the
spectacle of a marvellously superior and
somewhat civilised life in comparison with
that of other beasts, just because of the fact
of their not being restricted by man through
forced labour, rationing and seclusion, nor
harassed by an existence continuously fugi¬
tive and precaurious.

This permitted, and still permits them,
to substitute for their own unlimited, i. e.
small, anarchical liberty, their own greater
governmental liberty; to live guided by in¬
stinct, certainly, but also by reason, within
the restricted limits allowed them by their
cerebral inferiority and their despotic and
tyrannical government. This permitted and
still permits them, therefore, to turn their
brains towards superior vital and pleasant

A WORLD CENTRE

activities, within the restricted and insuper¬
able limits fixed by their cerebral inferiority
and despotic and tyrannical government —
towards activities, that is, not needful for the
urgent requirements of the struggle of ex¬
istence only but towards a limited industry
of government, towards some kind of trade,
some art, some medicine, some family life,
towards even, perhaps, some kind of religion
— towards all such industry which, in its
entirety, constitutes some fixed civilisation.

And now let us pass to man.

Men always progress more, ever do more
and better than their ancestors did, and con¬
sequently live differently from them, because
they are the descendants of the cerebrally
superior and corporally middle sized beasts
which — having succeeded in rising upon
their hind limbs, and having thus acquired
a better position for observation, for thought
and for the existence struggle, in comparison
with all other beasts — became primitive
men, took to exterminating governmentally
as well as individually, the beasts which,
because of superior mentality and carnivo¬
rous inclination, were offensive to them, and
therefore severed their own life more com¬
pletely from the connecting links with that
of the most similar beasts.

Among these primitive men and women
there reigned the independence and barba¬
rism of anarchy. Everyone could, with un¬
limited individual liberty, use his forces of
mind, of body and of wealth in order to in¬
crease them and make them prevail, to dom¬
inate in proportion to them, to live more
securely and more according to his own
egotistic or altruistic pleasure. And the fact
that everybody’s forces were thus employed
in conflicts unrestrained by legality, had the
effect of depriving the individual of the liber¬
ty of employing them in vital and pleasant
activities, superior to those needed for the
urgent requirements of existence, and con¬
sequently rendered his brain incapable of the
scientific activities of crafts, art, medicine,
family and religion. In short, the greater
part of everybody’s work went to waste.

Instead of being employed in the production
of wealth, i. e., the production of things apt
to make life easy, healthy and beautiful, it
was lost in individual production and indi¬
vidual exercise of arms. The struggle for
existence therefore became worse than that
among the beasts. And for everybody life
was a series of deceits, trickeries, homicides
and wars, interrupted by brief intervals of
insecure peace. Consequently, civilisation
did not exist.

But the Universe can only sustain itself
inasmuch as its varied and complex forces
remain only transitorily in the disorder of
independence and unlimited liberty, that is,
in the disorder of equivalent conflicts. The
more intense these become, the more they
oblige the various and complex universal
forces to a new adjustment, to transition
from disorder to a new order through the
domination of the greater over the less.

Thus the strongest men and women of
those times, though they were unable to con¬
ceive or express this with their primitive
brains, yet acting b}^ strength of instinctive
intuition — a force which directs uncon¬
sciously the greater part of our intelligent
and successful actions — could not but feel
the disorder of so many equivalent individual
human forces to be intolerable, and were not
slow in imposing themselves as despotic
authorities, through the process of multiple
domination, i. e., the hierarchical imposition
of the stronger over the weaker.

Having then begun to dictate laws, that
is, to create the rights and duties of a dawn¬
ing justice, and having thus organised and
legalised the struggle for existence under
one or other of their tribal despotic govern¬
ments, they formed various Tribe States out
of the non-State of individual independence
and anarchy.

By the action of these strongest men and
women, who had risen to be despotic tribal
authorities and creators of the Tribes, the
barbarism of individual independence ceased,
the unlimited liberty of individuals to use

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

their own forces of mind, of body and of
wealth came to an end and despotic tribal
tyranny began, with its ensuing slavery.
But in the meantime the life of men and of
women here and there could begin to be civ¬
ilised, and civilisation began in fact to exist.
In short, the various and complex forces of
the men and' women forming the Tribes
began;

1) to be submitted to the curb of le¬
gality and of consequent justice;

2) to be employed somewhat more in
vital and pleasant activities, superior to those
needed for the urgent requirements of exist¬
ence, therefore rather more in the scientific
activities of crafts, art, medicine, family and
religion;

3) to make humanity progress and
develop its brain.

This progress and this development re¬
mained poor, however, being infected by the
two sores of the primitive State and primitive
civilisation, the two sores with which the
State of civilisation was obliged to begin;

1) the external sore, consisting in the
barbarism of anarchy and in the necessity
of soars outside of the Tribe State, that is,
consisting for the moment in the non-State
of anarchical independence among the un¬
organised Tribes, which in itself produced
the necessity of inter-tribal wars;

2) the internal sore, consisting in the
arbitrariness of despotism and in the neces¬
sity of tyrannies within the Tribe State, that
is, in the State of arbitrary domination and
slavish governmental dependence within
each Tribe, where the struggle for existence
was organised, certainly, but in a despotic
and tyrannical way.

The external sore of primitive civilisa¬
tion had indeed manifested itself with the ris¬
ing of tribal governments, who had discover¬
ed it and had begun to cure it by soars,
which was the only way they could, that is,

by means of restrictions, as we shall see. At
first, indeed, such a sore can be imagined as
being as great as the whole Earth. It was
in reality as great as the space of Earth lying
outside the boundaries of each Tribe, where
was the starting point for intertribal wars.

The internal sore of primitive civilisa¬
tion, on the other hand, had also formed with
the rise of tribal governments, but these had
not discovered it — they had produced it by
the very fact of being despotic and tyran¬
nical. Therefore — while it could but be
superficial and less malignant at the begin¬
ning, when the despotic and tyrannical gov¬
ernments, being beginners, functioned with
little despotism and little tyranny — sub¬
sequently it could but become more malig¬
nant in proportion as despotic and tyranni¬
cal governments, continually falling into
greater despotism and greater tyranny, ever
deepened it. But this must be better ex¬
plained. We must understand thoroughly
why the internal sore was at the beginning
superficial and less malignant.

The despotism of those early tribal gov¬
ernors, because primitive, was pure, as ever¬
ything primitive is pure. It had been as¬
sumed on the spot by those whose force was
evidently greater, and had immediately pro¬
duced a great deal of the light of relative civ¬
ilisation through the purity of primitive
sc-iehce and primitive religion. It had soon
been possible to begin to conceive and to
propagate these through a primitive sincere
and moderate monopoly of schools and
churches.

This despotism certainly was coincident
with tyranny and slavery, but — because the
boundaries of the Tribe were not extensive,
because its inhabitants were not numerous,
were provided with sufficient wealth for
subsistence and were very close and organ¬
ised in civil struggle — it came about with a
reciprocal sense and understanding of the
worth, sorrows and needs of both governors
and governed. Consequently it was coex¬
istent with altruism, that is to say, with al¬
most paternal and filial feelings which —

A WORLD CENTRE

a) substituted friendly relations for the for¬
merly anarchical and barbarous relations
and which, b) consequently extinguished, a-
mongst the inhabitants of the Tribes, the
egotistic desire to exploit one another for
their own enrichment, and to live only ac¬
cording to each one’s pleasure.

This despotism, because primitive, was
not inconsistent with certain paternal and
filial feelings of altruism which — a) concil¬
iated the needs and desires of the heads with
those of the followers, b) produced equity in
the laws and justice in the application of the
rights and duties contained in them.

Briefly, this despotism on account of its
primitive character, a) became patriarchal
in the family and pastoral in the State, hence
immune from the two spectres of civil cor¬
ruption, luxury and misery, b) made the
majority as little disposed to rebellions and

revolutions as to the other less violent means
of reaction, c) made the majority solidary in
wars.

These wars, however, because of the
primitive organisation of the inimical Tri¬
bes, were simple, and did not require exces¬
sive armament.

And therefore conscription was not en¬
tirely slavery and not odious. Therefore
forced military service and labour were al¬
most voluntary as well as the forced tribute
of free work. And therefore, since there
was nothing deceitful in the governors’ calls
to patriotic wars, there was nothing of a lie
in the words valour, glory and honour,
whereof such calls were made, there was
nothing foolish or brutish in the heroism
wherewith the governed answered the calls.
And therefore the word Fatherland was
sacred.

CHAPTER II.

FROM THE BARBARISM OF TRIBES IN THE NON-STATE
OF ANARCHICAL INDEPENDENCE AMONG THEMSELVES, TO THE
AMPLIFIED CIVILISATION OF CITY, KINGDOM
AND EMPIRE STATES.

The process of development from Tribe
to City, from City to Kingdom, from King¬
dom to Empire, was fundamentally the
same, and we can here follow broadly the
causes, motives, general line of conduct and
results.

Among the multiplied Tribes there
existed the independence and barbarism of
anarchy, and beside this, in a restricted form,
there was found the malignant external sore
of primitive civilisation. The men and wom¬
en who as rulers and ruled composed each
Tribe, while for internal affairs they had the
curb of legality, which limited each one’s lib¬
erty to use his own forces in domestic mat¬
ters, and had up to a certain point organised,
ruled and civilised the internal struggle for
existence, had for foreign affairs no such
curb of legality. They had none, because
there was lacking among the Tribes an au¬
thority, even of a despotic and tyrannical
character, which by laws and prescriptions
of rights and duties might circumscribe the
liberty of individual and State forces in their
external application, and might also organ¬
ise, rule and civilise the intertribal struggle
for existence.

The tribal rulers, together with the free¬
men, i. e., those permitted to work freely in
medicine, crafts, art and commerce, could,
in short, either individually or collectively
make unlimited use of their own forces of
mind, of body and of wealth, in order to in¬

crease them and make them prevail, in order
to dominate in proportion to them and in
order to live more securely and more accord¬
ing to their own pleasure. Abroad, there¬
fore, individual and collective forces were
occupied in conflicts unrestrained by legal¬
ity, conflicts which, reverberating through
the interior, diminished everybody’s liberty
to employ these forces in vital and pleasant
activities superior to those needed for the
urgent requirements of existence. Conse¬
quently, the greater part of the Tribe’s
work — owing to the exigencies produced
in the interior by inter-tribal conflicts and
intertribal wars — went to waste. It went
to waste in tribal production and the tribal
exercise of arms rather than in the pro¬
duction of wealth, i. e., of things apt to make
everybody’s life easy, healthy and beautiful.
The struggle for existence abroad was, there¬
fore, relatively to other Tribes, worse than
that among the beasts. And life in its
inter-tribal character, therefore, was like
that of primitive barbarous men and primi¬
tive barbarous women, that is, a series of
deceits, trickeries, homicides and wars inter¬
rupted by brief intervals of insecure peace.

Wars thus began to divide themselves
into wars of patriotic defence and wars of
patriotic aggrandisement;

i) wars of patriotic defence, that is,
wars to prevent men and women organised
into other Tribes, or as j^et unorganised, from

A WORLD CENTRE

making incursions into the territory of one’s
own Tribe, whether for the sole purpose of
preying upon it, that is, of appropriating its
riches, or for that of dominating and govern¬
ing it;

2) wars of patriotic aggrandisement,
that is, wars for any of the following complex
purposes : — to invade, dominate and govern
neighbouring Tribes — to suppress their pa¬
triotic independence, considered inimical to
the patriotic independence of the invading
Tribe — to extend the boundaries of the in¬
vading Tribe as far as the boundaries of the
invaded Tribes — to secure a greater held
of wealth, either by appropriation or sub¬
sequent production, within the amplified
boundaries — to afford an outlet for the in¬
crease in population where the means of sub¬
sistence were insufficient — to placate the
internal aspirants to government, engaged
in revolutionary attempts, that is to say, to
deviate their desire to increase their own
forces, to prevail and to dominate within
their own Fatherland, towards another Tri¬
be, which, if and when conquered by them,
would be submitted to their government —
to find among the conquered Tribes fresh
sources of population to exploit as labouring
and military slaves and as consumers of com¬
mercial products — to be able, with the in¬
creased force ensuing upon successful in¬
vasion, to live better and more securely, that
is, more comfortably — to be able, possibly,
to offer more successful resistance to the in¬
cursions of more distant Tribes.

Thus we can see that civilisation did not
exist between Tribe and Tribe, whereas,
subject to the sore of tyrannical despotism,
it did possess an insecure existence in the
interior of individual Tribes.

Thus the external sore of primitive civ¬
ilisation — with natural and as yet but
slightly malignant afflux from the internal
one , which remained superficial and less ma¬
lignant — caused tribal wars of patriotic de¬
fence and patriotic aggrandisement to break
out.

Among the rulers and freemen of the
various Tribes there were as yet no support¬
ers of armed equilibrium, supporters, that

is, of the doctrine that States should be pre¬
pared for war to an extent always propor¬
tionate to the warlike preparations of neigh¬
bouring Tribes, that States should thus be
eternally ready for war without ever making

it, meanwhile impoverishing themselves in
the maintenance of these useless arms and
armies. Nor were there any supporters of
obligatory arbitration, that is, of the doctrine
that States certainly should rule their inter¬
nal affairs by themselves, through struggles
for governmental domination, productive of
various successive internal laws, but that
they should submit their foreign affairs, even
when important and sacred, to be ordered
through an obligatory submission to the
peacemaking arbitration of irresponsible ar¬
bitraments — capable, in fact, of arresting
their turn of domination and progress. The
rulers and free people of the various Tribes,
as real statesmen, felt, q) that the disorder
of so many individual and State forces operat¬
ing outside of the Tribes, was intolerable, the
more so if these forces were balanced and
equivalent, b) that an equilibrium of warlike
forces could produce nothing but a delay in
the final clash which, when it came, would
be aggravated by prolonged foreign barba¬
rism, by more intense reciprocal armament,
and by an extension of reciprocal bad feeling
between combatants, c) that it was incon¬
ceivable that the progressive future of a State
should depend upon the arbitrariness of in¬
trusive peacemakers and arbitration experts.

Thus the strongest men and women, who
as rulers or freemen had risen to eminence
in the strongest Tribes, were not long in un¬
derstanding, under the suggestion of their
chief, that it was necessary to put an end to
the external sore of anarchy and incessant
wars among Tribes, by reproducing the proc¬
ess that had taken place among the individ¬
uals of which these were composed. Con¬
sequently, enormously increasing their in¬
dividual and State forces of mind, of body
and of wealth, increasing them for a supreme

POSITIVE SCIENCE OE GOVERNMENT

war of conquest of the other Tribes : using
artifice and lies to provoke this war against
Tribes which were less strong but more dan¬
gerous, because more menacing; summon¬
ing the slave sons of their own Tribe to the
sacrifices of war for the defence and great¬
ness of the Fatherland in accents still almost
paternal (an appeal that was still a true one,
for there was nothing of a lie in the words
valour, glory, honour); obtaining not a fool¬
ish but a sensible and disciplined service
from such slave sons of the Fatherland; in¬
citing the captains to heroism, by promises
of military promotion and high governmental
offices in the Tribes to be conquered; incit¬
ing the troops to heroism, by tolerated in¬
toxications of pillage, of ruin, of incendia¬
rism and of lust; seducing by the process of
multiple domination the subordinate rulers
and the freemen of these Tribes, who were
proud and strong enough to mock at the ac¬
cusation of being traitors to their own Fa¬
therland, to stir up their troops to rebellion
and surrender, and to make common cause
for a greater Fatherland in the government
of which they would share; and carrying off
the eventual victory because of their so great
supremacy in forces of mind, of body and of
wealth, they could consequently do what
now follows, that is : — by command and in
the name of their Head;

1) they could impose themselves, as
despotic authorities over those Tribes which
had been defeated and conquered, and under¬
take to dictate laws for them, that is, to create
the rights and duties of a new justice;

2) they could despoil of their lands
those who, owing to their greater force either
of mind or of body or of wealth or of all togeth¬
er, had occupied and worked them, or had
had them worked, and had made themselves
proprietors of them, but who now, because
of having fought as enemies and having been
defeated, had become slaves to be sold to the
highest bidder;

3) they could distribute such lands,
with their resulting wealth, a) in part to those
who, as patriotic warriors, had signalised

themselves in bravery, cunning and trickery,
b ) in part to those who, as foreign traitors,
had signalised themselves in favouring mu¬
tiny and insurrection;

4) they could free, that is, permit to
work freely in medicine, crafts, art and com¬
merce, many of the slaves who had most
distinguished themselves in injuring the
enemy;

5) they could extend their boundaries
to the limits of the boundaries of the con¬
quered Tribes, thus — a) producing the en¬
largement of their own Tribe, which, by such
domineering annexations, became a City,
while the annexed Tribes became Boroughs,
b) organising the struggle for existence a-
mong the individuals who formed the City
and the individuals who formed the connect¬
ed Boroughs under one form or another of
despotic government, c) creating various City
States out of the non-State of independence
and tribal anarchy.

Thus, following the action of these
strongest men and women, who as rulers and
ruled rose to power in the strongest Tribe and
annexed others less strong and so formed a
City — so for similar reasons and by the same
procedure, Cities and their annexed Bor¬
oughs, conquering other Cities and Bor¬
ough^, became Kingdoms with the former
City as Capital, and Kingdoms by the same
procedure of conquest similarly became Em¬
pires, turning the royal Capital into an im¬
perial Capital. By the action, therefore, of
such men and women strongest in their time
and place who together became despotic au¬
thorities, creators first of the City, then of
the Kingdom, then of the Empire, the bar¬
barism of Tribe, City, Kingdom independen¬
ces successively began to cease; the unlimit¬
ed liberty of the annexed parts to use abroad
their individual and State forces of mind, of
body and of wealth ceased, and despotic City,
Kingdom, Empire tyranny began, with its
connected slavery, which became less and
less primitive, more and more malignant.
But in the meantime, it began to be possible
for the life of men and women to be civilised

A WORLD CENTRE

within a wider radius, and civilisation began
to be able to exist under securer and better
conditions.

The men and women of the defeated, an¬
nexed Tribes, Cities or Kingdoms :

1) entered into the orbit of wider le¬
gality ;

2) mixed with one another and among
the victors. (Some, however, for egotistic
or altruistic ends, took the attitude of being-
tribune, that is, hypocritically or sincerely
took the attitude of being the indomitable
custodians of ancient independence, often
thus obtaining from the new authorities, for
the sake of quiet living, the control of a few
small affairs of local government, and, for
the necessities connected with these affairs
some zones of ground which thus became
Tribe, City or Kingdom domain);

3) extended the zone of their internal
affairs submitting them to the curb of legal¬
ity and rendering internal affairs that had
formerly been foreign;

4) began to form City, Kingdom or
Empire, unity of race, of language, of morals
and of civilisation (let us note that morals
mean nothing but customary, i. e., habitual,

manner of thinking and of acting) with dis¬
tinctions relating to the part to which they
belonged.

Moreover, the men and women of un¬
defeated but endangered Tribes, Cities or
Kingdoms by similar procedings began to
form other various City, Kingdom or Empire
unities of race, of language, of morals and of
civilisation.

What is supremely important to note is
that, through domination over the Tribe Sta¬
tes and by the advent of City States, the
barbarism of the non-State of anarchical in¬
dependence was reduced and civilisation,
consisting in the state of legal organisation,
was extended. In short, the varied and
complex forces of men and women :

1) were more broadly submitted to the
curb of legality and of its consequent justice;

2) could better be employed in vital
and pleasant activities, superior to those
needed for the urgent requirements of life,
hence better employed in the scientific activ¬
ities of crafts, art, medicine, family and
religion;

3) caused humanity better to progress
and to develop its brains.

CHAPTER III.

THE TWO STATE SORES.

Such progress and such development,
however, still remained relatively small, be¬
ing still infected by the two sores of the prim¬
itive State and primitive civilisation , which
gradually became equally malignant, but
whose malignity later became inverted. In¬
deed :

1) the external sore, consisting in the
barbarism of anarchy abroad and in the con¬
sequent necessity of foreign wars, produced
the non-State of anarchical independence
outside of each City, Kingdom or Empire,
where the struggle for existence remained
unorganised — so that, it became as much
more reduced as was the space occupied by
each of these, relatively to the unoccupied
space of earth — so that, it remained malig¬
nant but less extensive, or as great as the
space of earth lying outside the boundaries of
each aggregate State, where was the starting-
point for inter-State wars;

2) the internal sore, consisting in the
arbitrariness of despotism in the interior and
in the consequent necessity of internal tyran¬
nies, now produced a State of more arbitrary
domination and more slavish governmental
dependence in the interior of each aggregate,
where the struggle for existence was certainly
organised but in a despotic and tyrannical
government that had deteriorated and be¬
come malign in character.

This malignant deepening of the internal
sore of primitive civilisation must, however,

be well understood. It could not help hap¬
pening in each City, Kingdom and Empire
as a consequence of these three causes —
a) extension of boundaries, b) multiplication
of inhabitants, c) compression of intellects.
Three simultaneous causes which we must
here understand, beginning with the first.

1) Extension of government bounda¬
ries. — This was the first cause of govern¬
mental corruption and occurred through the
transformation of the strongest Tribes into
Cities surrounded by Boroughs, of the
strongest Cities into Kingdoms, of the strong¬
est Kingdoms into Empires. It made all the
inhabitants, whether rulers or ruled, more
distant from one another and therefore less
sensitive and less understanding of one an¬
other’s worth, sorrows and needs. It widened
the relations between rulers and ruled, so
that the former were in the position of having
to govern rather by means of subalterns than
directly in person, with the following con¬
sequences.

Superior rulers — beginning to lack at
the same time both the sense and restraint of
altruism and of immediate responsibility in
government — developed a wicked greed and
mad vanity for enrichment, which could not
be otherwise satisfied than — a) by imposing
tyrannical excesses of work upon enslaved
subjects, who, however, were permitted in
their turn to indemnify themselves by op¬
pressing men slaves by forced labour and by

A WORLD CENTRE

subjecting women slaves to prostitution,
b) by artificial provocations to war against
very rich neighbouring Cities, Kingdoms or
Empires, even if these were peaceful, with
the object of hurling against them hordes of
military slaves and of despoiling them for
aims of personal greed and vain enrichment
rather than for motives of patriotic defence
or aggrandisement

Inferior rulers — coming at the same
time to lack the sense and curb of altruism
and also to some extent the curb of subjection
to their distant superior governors, the more
so if with or without reason they thought
these no stronger than themselves — began
to develop tendencies toward usurpation of
authority , and were likewise seized by
wicked greed and mad desire for enrichment.
Thus — a) because of this greed and vain
desire for enrichment, they were induced to
add, for their own purposes, further exces¬
sive tyrannies of labour, of tribute and of in¬
cidental injustice, b) because of their tenden¬
cies to usurp authority, they initiated here
and there attempts — to shake military dis¬
cipline — to suborn the militia — to incite
rebellions and revolutions against superior
rulers, in order to put themselves their plac¬
es — to make agreements with rulers of
neighbouring States, in order to open the
ways of conquest of their own State to them,
with the idea, naturally, of obtaining as rec¬
ompense, together with a greater part in the
new government, a greater opportunity to
satisfy their greed for enrichment.

The ruled — coming to lack the sense
and curb of altruism — a) if free and not am¬
bitious to govern, began to buy a great many
male and female slaves, to exercise cruelty
towards them within the permitted oppres¬
sions and prostitutions, namely, to set them
at hard labour, to prostitute them and to
nourish them poorly, and this either in order
to indemnify themselves for the heavy trib¬
utes they were obliged to pay, or else to
appease their wicked greed and mad vanity
for enrichment, which, under the bad ex¬
ample of rulers, were aroused also in them,
and which among them, as inferiors, aroused

envy and jealousy of rank, b) if free and am¬
bitious to govern, for egotistic ends, did not
renounce greedy oppressions of labour nor
prostitution, but began to make common
cause with the sincere or false tribunes and
with the ruled slaves, inciting them to react
against oppressions, not by the comparatively
constitutional means of claims, petitions, ad¬
verse propaganda and demonstrations, but
by the more violent means of insult and
harmful and injurious revenges, which at
that time were excessively punished, or
straightway by the most violent means of
rebellion and revolution.

II. Multiplication of inhabitants — sec¬
ond cause of civic governmental corruption
- a) happened naturally and was favoured
by rulers interested in increasing the number
of labouring and military slaves to be dom¬
inated and exploited, b) happened in Cities,
Kingdoms and Empires while the restricted
but continuing external sore of primitive
civilisation obliged too great a part of labour
to go into production of arms, c ) happened
while wicked greed and mad vanity for en¬
richment obsessed the rulers and free ruled,
causing the two spectres, luxury and misery,
to appear. Multiplication of inhabitants,
therefore;

1) because of accumulation and scar¬
city, caused commodities to be neither a-
bundant nor accessible and therefore dear;

2) induced the free and not rich ruled
to incite their rulers to war against neigh¬
bouring States, in order to have a chance of
appropriating the commodities and luxuries
existing there, and in the meantime induced
them to contend maliciously with one anoth¬
er for the few things they did possess;

3) consequently, produced in the free
but not rich ruled an inclination toward
hatred of free fellow citizens and love of
foreigners, with whom war was not to: be
made — chiefly because the contests of
wealth between free fellow citizens were
more immediate and more direct than those
with free foreign citizens, the more so, as

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

these could have neither personal nor gov¬
ernmental contests with them — secondarily
because the greater disparity between them¬
selves and foreigners and the fact of these
being distant from them made their eventual
pretensions to superiority and domination
more explicable and admissible with less
offence to self-love;

4) among slaves, whether fellow-citi¬
zens or foreigners, produced an inclination —
a) to reciprocal hatred, as a result of penury
in subsistence, b) to reciprocal contempt, as
a result of the contempt with which they
were treated by their own rulers and free
ruled, c) to reciprocal warlike aggression
when the rulers, for their own advantage,
forced them to war.

III. Compression of intellects — third
cause of governmental corruption - hap¬
pened directly among the ruled and indirect¬
ly among the rulers, by the monopoly of
schools and churches to which masters and
priests yielded abjectly, causing suffocation
of science and charlatanism in religion.

It manifested itself directly among the
ruled, whether slaves or free, as an adroit
means of tyranny. The slaves, because
constrained to a life but little superior to that
of beasts held in captivity for breeding -
the free, because permitted certainly to work
freely in medicine, crafts, art and commerce,
but with tyrannical restrictions of thought,
speech and action — remained mentally op¬
pressed, hence unable to develop according
to their spontaneous individual faculties, and
consequently condemned to remain, if not,
of inferior mental calibre, certainly obtuse.

This circumstance occurred indirectly
among rulers, as a reflection of their own
tyranny. The monopoly of schools and

churches, through the cowardly and lucra¬
tive services of masters and priests, ceased
to be beneficent and dimmed the primitive
light of civilisation produced by the primitive
purity of science and religion. Rulers were
certainly most free to think and to speak, but
did so generally as superstitious and pre¬
sumptuous ignoramuses, the more so the
higher their rank, as we shall see. And, as
a consequence, they also remained deprived
of the well being they might have enjoyed
by greater progress in the activities of medi¬
cine and of crafts, which are closely depend¬
ent upon those of science and of religion.

In short, it came about by a variety of
means that rulers and ruled remained;

1) somewhat civilised in crafts relating
to dress, to warfare and to food, which for
the moment were primitive but genuine and
wholesome;

2) more civilised in the arts, these un¬
dergoing scientific suffocation and religious
charlatanism, without losing their capacity
to delight through beauty, and being easily
suborned to the purpose of posterity, wheth¬
er by monuments, statues or tablets, to the
making of which artists, because of coward¬
liness or need, began to lend themselves, be¬
coming, with the attractions of their art,
base instruments of deceit and intellectual
oppression at the service of despotic govern¬
ments and at the orders of the most abject
masters and priests;

3) not at all civilised in the « why » of
things and in medicine — where everything
is base without the light of free science —
so that they were inclined to put themselves
into the hands of wizards, of sibyls and of
•sorcerers for the cure of their moral and
physical ills.

■

CHAPTER IV.

THE KINGS.

It is necessary, however, to note and
always to remember that the corruption of
government, and consequent malignant deep¬
ening of the internal sore, would not have
come about as they did, if in the Cities sur¬
rounded by Boroughs, there had not appear¬
ed the figure of a man baneful to civilisation
and to humanity, the figure of a grim, rapa¬
cious, sanguinary and obscene man.

Through deceit he had lately succeeded
in suppressing him who was head of City
government and had taken his place. Now
he wanted more. Having laid aside every
restraint, acting partly with deliberate mal¬
ice, and giving himself superhuman airs, in
order to preserve mysteriously for himself
the place at the head of the government and
to transmit it to his own sons by order of
birth, but acting still more with great im¬
becility, that is to say, with blind faith in the
foolish and interested suggestions of sor¬
cerers, sibyls and magicians, to the point of
believing that his successes in war and peace
were the effects of divine will and grace,
whereas they were only the effect of his
supremely evil forces, and, after having been
chief artificer of the direct and indirect sup¬
pression of free intelligence, he was fated to
make a discovery of maliciously sovereign
imbecility, which is here reconstructed.

In a day of drunken bacchanalia, while
the most intoxicated encircled their own
flushed heads with tendrils, he encircled his

head with a ring of metal, calling it Crown,
and — with the cowardly and interested con¬
sent of the priests present — amidst a roar
of applause from the rough mob, who had
always liked his brutal overbearingness,
proclaimed these commandments.

1) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, I command that I from
henceforth be called king.

2) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, I command that I be
held irresponsible and inviolable Absolute
Head, destined to rule the City and to trans¬
mit this Crown to my sons, as title whereby
they may in future rule the City and have it
ruled by their sons successively through
eternity.

3) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, I command that my
laws, the rights and duties prescribed in
them, the sentences of justice pronounced by
me or in my name, shall be considered good,
oeautiful and true, hence sacred and immu¬
table.

These were three commandments by
which the most rascally and sacrilegious out¬
rage was done to God; that of making him
emissary of the present and future evils of
government; that of causing him to be believ¬
ed the irresponsible author of all the sins of
government, which in his name, through the

A WORLD CENTRE

course of centuries, might be committed b}^
successive Kings and their accomplices, as
his lieutenants.

These three commandments brought
government to an extreme state of perversion
— corrupting its chief fundamental principle,
which requires really greater force in him
who is its head and which is made a mockery
by the fact that an heir, even if he lacks
superior force of his own, can be King, that
is, head of government; for this predestined
heir may govern as a fool and so provoke the
rebellious and revolutionary governmental
ambitions of those who are really stronger
and better fitted than he. These three com¬
mandments perverted the positive conception
of right, which is arrogation or concession
made by strong rulers; subverted the posi¬
tive conception of justice, which is scrupulous
application of the rights and duties determin¬
ed in laws; undermined the positive concep¬
tion of law, which is the expression of the
will of strong rulers, and is good or bad ac¬
cording to their good or bad nature, and is
changeable with their changing, but which,
until repealed, must be applied if justice is
to exist; disturbed the positive conception
of equity, which has nothing to do with the
conception of justice, since it refers to the
altruistic goodness of those who may use it
in making good laws or granting pardons;
and thus in fact opened the way for all the
famous philosophical, juridical and political
maliciousness and imbecilities into which
mankind has strayed.

These three commandments succeeded
wonderfully in their sacrilegious intention of
perverting the sources of government. Be¬
cause the same grim and rapacious, sanguin¬
ary and obscene man, the King, took care to
supplement them with parades of force and
domination.

With the pretext that he had to repre¬
sent magnificently the divinity of which he
was vicar upon earth, in other words, with
the purpose of making his forces of mind,
body and wealth seem greater than they
really were; for the purpose of reinforcing

his authority, of impressing the mob and of
being supported by it as well as by the militia
and the members of the noble and burgher
classes — thus preserving his royal author¬
ity and putting his sons in a better condition
to mask their own deficiencies and secure
their hereditary rights — he began therefore
to practise or to use :

1) pompous garments which, by their
swelling and trailing, should enlarge his
person;

2) a wild beast helmet, used in time
of war, in contrast with the crown worn in
time of peace, to give him the appearance of
a wild beast’s strength;

3) many arms, encircling his person,
to clothe him with a great, menacing and
deadly power;

4) ornaments of precious gems and
shining metals, to give splendour and add
value to his person;

5) a sceptre, that is, a bludgeon, held
in his hand, to signify the miraculous divine
power he could use against rebels;

6) many titles, prefixes and inflated
majestic appellations to signify that though
in appearance his person had the force and
value of one body only, in reality it was equal
to many bodies put together;

7) high palaces to confirm the idea that
his person was so immense and his authority
so high, that they could not be contained and
would suffocate in an ordinary dwelling-
house ;

8) thrones to sit upon and coaches
drawn by many horses for journeying, to
suggest that his immense authoritative per¬
son could never be at the level of the govern¬
ed, nor move by the vulgar effort of its feet,
nor, because of its weight, be drawn by one
or two beasts like any other person;

9) a large following of courtiers and
servants, charged with the task of aggran-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

dising and protecting his person, constrained
to testify that it had many followers and
devotees, all likewise powerful because also
dressed in pompous garments or liveries, and
furnished with arms, sticks and pendants;

io) inconceivably luxurious banquets,
to signify that his stomach was so immense
as to require the sustenance of a hundred
persons and to suggest that his subjects could
be happy in knowing that he ate so much
more and so much better than they;

u) extension of his splendour and
his honours to his favourite woman, as
Queen, and to bis sons and daughters, as
Princes and Princesses, to prove that every¬
thing connected with him was powerful;

12) songs, portraits, statues, sepulchr¬
al and commemorative tablets to glorify his
power and confirm that transmitted in the
veins of his divine and legitimate successors.

These his parades of force and domina¬
tion, could not be effected without immense
riches sucked from the work of the mob,
which, idiotic and incapable of understand¬
ing that it was itself the cheated furnisher of
these displays, ran to admire them with
fanatical curiosity and looked upon them as
signs of divine grace fallen upon those who,
at its own expense, luxuriated in such mag¬
nificence.

Thus the internal sore of the State and
of civilisation, in becoming deeper and more
malignant;

1) destroyed in Cities, Kingdoms and
Empires, the almost paternal feelings of the
Tribe governments which were patriarchal
in the family and pastoral in the State: so
that governments became tyrannical in the
family and tyrannical in the State;

2) caused the inhabitants to be divided
naturally into three classes, the class of
tyrants, composed of rulers, the class of slave
drivers, composed of freemen who had tyran¬
nical family and trade rights, the class of

slaves, composed of those who were most
subjected to tyranny and already formed a
real mob, that is, a stupid, poor, vile, brutal,
rascally mass, inclined to obey rather than to
revolt;

3) became connected with the external
sore of civilisation, which originated wars of
patriotic defence or aggrandisement and fa¬
voured the occurrence of the latter.

Success in these wars of aggrandisement,
moreover, enabled the baneful man, in furth¬
er accesses of bacchanalian arrogance in¬
spired by victory, to proclaim the command¬
ments here reconstructed, enabled him,
that is;

1) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, to impose himself as
Absolute King, that is to say, supreme, ir¬
responsible and inviolable despotic authority,
over the defeated and conquered territories,
and to undertake to dictate laws to the con¬
quered, namely, to create for them rights and
duties of new justice, which should be held
by all as good, beautiful and true, because
just.

2) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, to despoil of their
lands those who, whether by greater force
of mi^nd, of body or of wealth or of all toge¬
ther, or by inheritance, had occupied and
worked these lands or had had them worked,
and had made themselves proprietors there¬
of, but who, of having fought as enemies and
having been defeated, had become slaves to
be sold to the highest bidder.

3) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, to distribute these lands,
with the wealth upon them and facilities for
producing much more, in great part to him¬
self and his sons, each one of whom, with the
connected title of Prince[, received the vassal
privilege of divinely governing them in Prin¬
cedoms and of wearing upon his head a metal
circlet, or smaller crown, while he was per¬
mitted to extend his power to his own wom¬
an, as Princess, and to transmit his lands

A WORLD CENTRE

and crown, with equal rights, to his own sons
in order of birth. A smaller part of these
lands went to those who, either as patriotic
warriors had distinguished themselves by
bravery or cunning violence and homicide,
or as foreign traitors had deserved recogni¬
tion by their bravery in favouring mutiny and
insurrection. And upon these, and others
who for similar prowess in past times were
owners of lands, the King conferred, accord¬
ing to the size of the lands owned or ob¬
tained from him, the titles of Duke, Marquis,
Earl or Baron with the vassal privileges of
divinely governing them as Duchies, Mar-
quisates, Earldoms or Baronies, of putting
upon their own heads circlets of metal, name¬
ly, gradually inferior crownlets, of extend¬
ing their power to their women as Duchesses,
Marchionesses, Countesses, Baronesses and
of transmitting their lands and crownlets to
their own sons in order of birth. He further
established that all these titled ones, who
formerly were vulgarly held to constitute a
class of tyrants, from the time of the crea¬
tion of these titles henceforth should, since
they derived their powers through him and
were in some measure his peers, and there¬
fore divine, be constituted a noble class, or
a class of aristocrats.

4) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, to free, that is to say,
to permit to work freely in medicine, trades,
arts and commerce, many of his slaves who
had most distinguished themselves in work¬
ing damage to the enemy. And to establish
that they, with the former freemen, who us¬
ed to be held vulgarly to constitute a class of
slave-drivers, should from then on, because
dedicated to works of masculine oppression
and feminine prostitution, carried on chiefly
in the ancient Boroughs, constitute a class of
Burghers and have the privilege of calling
themselves Gentlemen and of having their
women called Gentlewomen, to distinguish
them from all the other men and women who
remained in the condition and class of serv¬
ants more or less slaves.

5) By will and grace of God, and there¬
fore by divine right, to extend the bound¬

aries of his conquering City to the end of the
boundaries of the conquered Cities, name¬
ly, to the end of their Boroughs, and thus
cause the aggrandisement of his own City,
which relatively to them, became Capital
City, and together with them — now trans¬
formed into Princedoms, Duchies, Marquis-
ates, Earldoms and Baronies — formed a
Kingdom.

What is supremely important to note is
that, through domination over City States
and by the advent of Kingdom States, the
barbarism of anarchical independence was
reduced and the civilisation of the State of
legal organisation was extended to more dis¬
tant populations. In short, the varied and
complex forces of men and women;

1) were more broadly submitted to the
curb of legality and of its consequent justice;

2) could better be employed in vital
and pleasant activities, superior to those need¬
ed for the urgent requirements of life, hence
better employed in the scientific activities of
crafts, art, medicine, family and religion;

3) caused humanity better to progress
and to develop its brains.

But here, keeping in mind what was said
in the preceding chapter about the corrup¬
tion of despotic and tyrannical civic govern¬
ment — which was inevitable, because of the
three causes, extension of boundaries, mul¬
tiplication of inhabitants and compression of
intellects, to which were added the doctrine
of divine right and the parades oT force and
domination, one can perceive to what a great
extent wicked greed and mad vanity for en¬
richment were bound to develop in the Cap¬
ital City of the Kingdom, and in the Prin¬
cedoms, Duchies, Marquisates, Earldoms
and Baronies of the same. This corruption
was an inevitable result of the competition
in large and small parades of force and dom¬
ination, to which the nobility gave themsel¬
ves up in imitation of those initiated by the
King and Queen. In the same manner they
likewise initiated the display of gorgeous

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

vestments, helmets, arms, precious and shin¬
ing ornaments, sceptres, titles and prefixes,
such as « most excellent », « most illustrious »
appellations, high palaces, thrones, coaches,
courtiers and pompous servants, luxurious
banquets, songs, portraits, statues, lavish
sepulchral monuments and commemorative
tablets.

And one can perceive how much greater
had to be the inducements to make war and
to stimulate it by lies and false accusations
against neighbouring States in order to ob¬
tain openings for commerce, afford an outlet
for the population, placate internal rivals bv
placing conquered peoples under their rule;
thus leading from the evolution of Kingdoms
to that of Empires and finally to the dream
of Universal Empire.

May the stars of the Universe forgive
the base spirit of the Emperor who first used
that foolish two-word phrase!

For all these reasons, everything which
pertained to government received a solemn
impress of rascality. Conscription became
slavish and hateful Labouring and military
work as well the tribute of free work became

oppressive and vexatious. And therefore,
there was much that was rascally in calls to
war for patriotic defence and greatness,
much that was silly and brutish in the her¬
oism with which the slave sons answered.
Consequently, under the auspices of the man
baneful to civilisation and humanity, under
the auspices of the grim and rapacious, san¬
guinary and obscene King, the word Father¬
land became corrupt.

We can imagine how beautiful the
Fatherland would have become, how high
civilisation would have elevated itself, how
much better humanity would have been un¬
der the auspices of an entirely different man,
a man strong in good rather than in evil, a
Saint instead of a King. But imagination
must make up accounts with reality. And
the reality is that from original anarchy only
a despotic government could be born, as only
a provisional government can be born from
revolution. The reality is that the original
despotic government, continuing, could not
but fall from its primitive, inexpert and mild
function, could not but deteriorate through
despotism and tyranny, could not but open
the way to the ruffianly figure of the King
and to the rascally figure of the mob.

i "

;

’

CHAPTER V.

GREATNESS AND DECADENCE OF EMPIRES,
CIVILISATIONS AND RACES.

It was impossible that the barbarism of
Empire independence, that is, the anarchi¬
cal non-State of Empires, should cease as the
barbarism of Kingdom independence had
ceased, that is, by conquest and absorption
of several States into one.

The process of absorbing many King¬
doms into a few Empires had been feasible,
first of all because despotic and tyrannical
domination is possible over an extension of
boundaries just so large as not to render in¬
subordinations, subornations and revolutions
too easy and impossible of repression — for
these become possible according to their
distance from the centre of despotic and
tyrannical government — and, further, be¬
cause this process stimulated simultaneous
rival lusts for domination in different Em¬
perors and their followers. These, though
fighting one another for wider imperial dom¬
inion, were aware that they continued to live
in anarchical liberty and in the possibility of
some day succeeding in what at present was
impossible for them, so that they had. no
reason to make defensive alliances, but rath¬
er had reason to remain isolated, in order to
carry on freely their own game of domi¬
nation.

On the other hand, the absorption of
several Empires into one single world-wide
Empire was not feasible, first of all, because
despotic and tyrannical dominion over an
unlimited extent of territory becomes impos¬

sible, for it is impossible to have at one’s
command enough faithful militia to repress
the many easily aroused insubordinations
and insurrections which, quieted on the
right, break out on the left, subdued in front,
re-appear in the rear; and occur mostly in the
centre of the Empire, where there are the
most impatient aspirants to government, and
where there are no longer as many militia as
formerly, these having been sent far afield on
new conquests and having remained engaged
there to repress the easily instigated insurrec¬
tions. Moreover, each of the Emperors and
his followers knew that imperial domination
by one of them over all the others, if success¬
ful, meant permanent subjection of all the
others ^to that one. So, while each Emperor,
with his queue of followers, stubbornly and
bombastically continued to strive for des¬
potic imperial domination over all the others,
in the foolish dream of Universal Empire,
all these others, in the moment of danger,
without hypocritically blaming the despotic
menace of the threatening Emperor, which
was like their own, made, for explicit mo¬
tives of profit, defensive alliance against him.
And because it is absurd that one should
prevail against all, they caused the attempt
at Universal Empire, periodically renewed
in vain, ruinous and memorable wars, always
to end in failure.

But the climax of the failure of Univer¬
sal Empire lies in the mockery which at¬
tends it, a mockery coming from those who,

A WORLD CENTRE

united in war against the foolish dream,
caused its failure. Mockery too by the des¬
tiny of things. Because, exactly when an
Empire is seized with a craving to become
Universal Empire, exactly then, and as a
consequence of this craving, does its deca¬
dence begin. It is then that from its centre
irradiates that corrupt and yet mighty phe¬
nomenon : THE, DECADENCE OF EMPIRES, CIVI¬
LISATIONS and races which we shall now try
to explain.

Under the third heading of the Positive
Foundations of this Science of Government,
we perceive that the mass of the governed
obtains gradual mitigations of tyranny, be¬
cause of its fluctuating character, certainly,
but principally because of the struggle be¬
tween rulers in power and rulers in aspira¬
tion. Such struggles oblige the aspirants to
government, if victorious, to actualise, if
only in small part, the promises of greater
rights and fewer duties made to the mass of
the ruled, which by its rebellions and revo¬
lutions assisted their victory; if defeated, to
induce those who remain in government
themselves to carry out for their own greater
security these attenuations of tyranny, that
is, to concede a part of those rights and to
reduce a part of those duties which were
promised by the aspirants to their places in
government.

Keeping this in mind, and connecting it
with the fact just now confirmed, that the
insubordinations and insurrections of the
aspirants to government become easier to
foment and more difficult to repress in pro¬
portion as despotic government extends its
boundaries, it is easy for us to understand
what now follows

As long as despotic and tyrannical gov¬
ernment passes from civic to royal, from
royal to imperial, it certainly extends its
boundaries, but it remains within that sphere
— limited though large enough — wherein
insubordinations and insurrections are not
too easy to instigate nor too difficult to re¬
press. During such periods, aspirants to*
despotic government can certainly offer the

mass of the ruled certain incitements to
revolution, but with little effect and many
dangers. The promises of greater rights
and fewer duties are used by them, but par¬
simoniously, because of the caution they
must exercise so as not to expose themselves
too much to the anger of the King Emperor.
Their despotic revolutionarism is, briefly,
ratnei an authoritative attitude than an ex¬
ercise of rebellion, and therefore is reduced
to staitliiig but quite inocuous poses.

When, on the contrary, despotic and
tyrannical government has become imperial,
and undertakes to make annexations of oth¬
er Kingdoms and Empires, for the dream of
passing from Empire to Universal Empire;
when the Empire thus extends its bound¬
aries beyond its already large sphere, so
that insubordinations and insurrections be¬
come very easy to foment and difficult to
repress, then the circumstances are chang¬
ed. Revolutionary doctrines are then used
openly by the aspirants to government, with
turbulent and loquacious poses, with exag¬
gerated promises of greater rights and fewer
duties that shall reduce the tyranny which
a cighs upon the ruled. And then, either
through the endeavours of the victorious as¬
pirants to government or through the repent¬
ant acts of rulers who have escaped downfall,
mitigations of tyranny really begin. Among
the culminating ones are these two.

1) Some liberty of thought and speech
is conceded.

2 ) 7 he slavery of forced labouring
work is abolished, although not that of forced
military work. Which is as to say that one
of the two brutish marks that outraged the
inferior governed is removed. But, because
the Fatherland has established no system of
patriotic, i. e., paternal work, but only a free
exploitation of work, the inferior ruled are
consequently reduced to a painful struggle
for existence, that is, to a condition only a
little less unhappy than before. Men volun¬
tarily submit to any base and even badly
compensated work, in order not in freedom
to die of starvation. Women transform into

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

voluntary prostitution that which formerly
was forced prostitution, and in the changes
that occur all are not benefited.

But it is precisely these two culminating
attenuations of tyranny which determine the
decadence of Empire and make a mockery
of the presumptuous idea of Universal Em¬
pire. And how can the decadence of Em¬
pire, civilisation and race be determined by
two such mitigations of tyranny it may be
asked?

In the way we shall now explain.

Human brains were not originally in¬
tended to remain obtuse. They were, on the
contrary, formed to develop and perfect
themselves progressively, like any other
human organ. It was the task of tyrannical
and despotic governments to repress them
and arrest their development. But it could
not also be their task to atrophy them for¬
ever.

The concession of some liberty of
thought and speech obtained as a result of
the more easily fomented and less repressible
insurrections, produced some relaxation in
the scholastic and ecclesiastic repression of
intelligence. It was natural, however, that
cerebral development, although retarded
thousands of years, should again take its
course, even though slowly. It was natural
that the brains of the governed should begin
to perceive new real facts, and have new
ideas of positive science, contrasting with
those of the old church and school teachings,
such facts and ideas, indeed, as would make
these teachings appear deceits or gross er¬
rors. It was natural that the governed
should feel the need of expressing such new
ideas in relation to the ugly facts of their
despotic and still tyrannical government.
And it was natural that the decadence of
imperial government should thus be deter¬
mined.

For, religious credulity, which was the
cornerstone of slavish morality and slavish
military discipline, once shaken; the slavish

service of labouring work, moreover, abolish¬
ed, and the fury of individual struggles for
existence restrained only by the arbitra¬
riness of despotic government, it was un¬
fortunately inevitable that the four following
putrefactions should take place :

1. Satirical scoffing on the part of the
more intellectual mass, at the spirituality and
worship of the old obscurantist religion, and,
as a reflex consequence, almost general reli¬
gious scepticism.

2. Unchaining of all individual egotisms,
which being no longer obtuse and religious,
but intellectual and irreligious, cause every¬
body to be astute and diffident, lying and
insidious, shrewdly struggling for existence,
disloyally competitive; tardy in fulfilling
promises, petulant and fraudulent, in com¬
mercial affairs; arrogant and cowardly. As
a consequence there follows cavilling in end¬
less judicial disputes, which produces flocks
of pettifogging and nibbling lawyers, general
wrangling to become State clerks, namely,
bureaucrats, with fixed salary secured by a
pension and rounded out by occasional graft;
ambitious strivings on the part of all to be
head and none follower, so that all might pass
to posterity with statues, portraits and tab¬
lets ordered for mediocre governors by
mediocre governors interested in having the
same ordered for them. As a further con¬
sequence of the unchaining of egotisms, we
find men obstinately conserving prejudices
while intellectually depraved by such preju¬
dices ; pretending to be altruistic while they
are really miserly; pretending to be heirs of
great ancestors while behaving like poor
wretches; pretending to be great while dar¬
ing only to gesticulate; powerless for great
hatred as for great love; reciprocally despis¬
ing one another; ironic, slanderous and dis¬
cordant ; unable to conduct any collective en¬
terprise that is not frivolous, or does not give
a speedy return, that requires in fact trust¬
worthiness, harmony, loans, courage and
firmness — briefly, to develop in themselves
all these unhappy evils of decadence, by
which men and women become as so many
little tubes of malice. Little tubes of malice

A WORLD CENTRE

that walk, cheat, turn about, ensnare, deceive
and corrupt, in streets, in houses, in offices,
in commerce, in science, in religion, in art,
in love, in speaking, even in bowing. Little
tubes of malice that meet, obstruct, annihi¬
late one another, and finally produce general
paralysis of wills. Little tubes of malice
with which, it is better, if possible, to have
no dealings or at any rate only distant ones.

3. Third among the putrefactions caused
by the slackening of religious credulity and
the fury of individual struggles for existence,
is the appearance of camorra and brigandage.
That is to say, the presence of small despotic
States in the large despotic State, brought
into existence through men of the people who
are conscious of having forces equal and even
superior to those of the rulers, but are an¬
gered by the consciousness that they cannot
rise to government, as they could electorallv
were the government representative, since
the high degrees of the royal and imperial
government under which they live belong to
the nobility, and they themselves lack the
requisite education and relationships to as¬
pire thereto. Or else they are irritated by
some despotic injustice inflicted upon them¬
selves by some ruler.

These conscious, angered and irritated
men, secretly, so as to escape governmental
repression, and with the same arbitrary pro¬
cess of multiple domination which we know
is used in the formation of despotic govern¬
ments — a) attach other men to their cause,
lesser men, also angered or irritated and
ready to act as accomplices or assistants,
b) impose upon their fellow subjects, in a way
similar to that practised by the rulers, so as
to dominate over and have tribute from, these
fellow subjects and thus live better, accord¬
ing to their certainly not altruistic nor bene¬
ficent wills, c) accompany such impositions
by threats of death penalties in case they are
not fulfilled and by promises of protection
against governmental or private attacks in
case they are fulfilled, d) in the meantime
organise themselves secretly, if in cities as
little camorra States, if in the country as

brigand States, e) for the sake of becoming
more like the nobles who govern the State,
of better dominating and also satisfying the
wicked greed and mad vanity for enrichment
which they likewise feel, give themselves
over to externalities and poses like those of
the governing nobles : so that, they begin to
make big and little parades of force, with
pompous vestments, wild beast turbans, arm¬
ed belts, precious and shining ornaments,
sceptres, titles and prefixes, wonderful hor¬
ses, luxurious banquets, benefactions and the
extension of such grandeur to their women.

Such further secret pilfering could cer¬
tainly not be pleasing to the subjects of the
royal Empire, already subjected to govern¬
ment impositions. Therefore, turning to
the rulers, they begged them to put an end
to it. And the government, a little because
of jealousy at the competition for govern¬
mental domination made by the camorrists
and brigands, and a little in order to ingra¬
tiate themselves with their subjects and mask
their own tyrannies and have it believed that
they were in government solely because of
their zeal to protect the people, in addition
to subjecting the camorrists and brigands to
heavy penalties, began to defame their two
organisations, or two little States, by creat¬
ing the two disdainful appellations of camorra
and brigands. And the poor ignorant sub¬
jects, with horror and disdain, adopted and
repeated them, as if the two organisations had
not an accusing similarity with the organisat¬
ion of the royal government, as if they were
in fact something quite different. And the
brigands and camorrists could not but accept
the two appellations, now come into common
use; but they used them with pride and in a
tone of defiance to make them seem dignifi¬
ed ; and every time their honourable society
was mentioned, they raised their hats; and
for the protection of their doings they asked
God’s help, just as the rulers did — so clearly
did they see and so convinced were they that
there was but a difference of proportion be¬
tween their organisation and that of King¬
doms, Princedoms, Duchies, Marquisates,
Earldoms and Baronies.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

But science, which protects truth, had
one day to open the way and to allow it, in
spite of words, to establish the reality also
with regard to this subject. This Positive
Science of Government explains here today
what is camorra and what is brigandage.
But physical and chemical science had al¬
ready given inductive explanations on the
subject. Permitting the photographic re¬
production of the most celebrated brigands
and camorrists, they had shown all the cor¬
respondence of facial lineaments between
these and the older rulers, whether Kings,
Princes, Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Barons
or Noblemen, not far distant from the head
of the line. These photographic reproduc¬
tions had already led to the perception that
the grim and rapacious, sanguinary and ob¬
scene man, the King, the more originary he
is, that is, the less hereditary, has an or¬
ganic conformation similar to that of a head
brigand only very much superior, which or¬
ganic conformation enables him to be a head
brigand on a large scale, that is, a King.

4. The fourth putrefaction is obvious
treachery, of the inferior rulers, simultaneous
with the general predomination of the person¬
al interests of each one over any interests of
patriotic defence or greatness. Thus, those
who once lent themselves to the Fatherland
as trusting, disciplined, obedient, untiring,
courageous and heroic martyrs and victors,
now lend themselves to the Fatherland as
untrustworthy, undisciplined, disobedient,
lazy cowards, deserters to the enemy and
traitors. So that the Fatherland, and
through it the Empire, rapidly becomes cor¬
rupt, falls apart and decays.

To repair such ruin, and to placate in¬
dividual lusts and jealousies, the superior
rulers, who are the chief exponents of such
jealousies;

1) rise against the Emperor, pretend¬
ing to hold him sole maleficent cause, and
by a revolutionary movement, called if it
succeeds and becomes an accomplished fact,
Coup d’Etat, transform the Imperial Mon¬
archy into Imperial Republic, that is, they

cause the supreme authority of the Empire
to be no longer hereditary and single but
elective and plural, hence entrusted to three
or to five or even more of themselves;

2) give the burghers a certain empir¬
ical and effective senatorial participation in
government, as recognition of the great pow¬
er to which they have risen, through the
force of their property in land. For the
nobles, on account of the hereditary charac¬
ter of their successions, became an inept
class, and, owing to their desire for luxury,
had recourse to the money of the burghers,
selling to them first one and now another
part of their lands, thus dividing the pro¬
prietorship of the Earth. The burghers,
for their part, were anxious enough to ac¬
quire the land in order better to equal the
nobles in wealth and parades of force, that
is, to rival them not only in the possession
of money but also in that of land, and it was
very natural that they should sit with them
in the Senate, i. e., in a corporation of su¬
preme legislative and judiciary counsel;

3) give the ex-slaves, i. e., the mass
of the free exploited, another empirical and
this time but slightly effective participation
in government, which consisted only in the
right of meeting and voting, and proclaiming
that they could henceforth constitute the
class \of the people, who, unfortunate crea¬
tures, gripped by the famished struggle for
existence and saturated to the marrow with
the obscurantism of all past despotisms, do
not know how to be more than they are; so
that they become in appearance, in their
speeches and at their meetings, a new class
of people, while actually in the facts of life
they remain the old mob class.

Nevertheless, because of these measures,
a certain betterment takes place in the intern¬
al conditions of government. But the im¬
provement is ephemeral, because of the ever
fiercer desiDotic lusts and jealousies of the
supreme rulers themselves and because of
the malicious despotic conspiracies wherein
the old Emperor, or his heir, have never
ceased to engage since the deposition.

A WORLD CENTRE

Thus the following is not long in de¬
veloping. With the favour of the people —
always the unchangeable mob — that has
perceived of what the Imperial Republic
really consists and has had enough of its
exploitation of work, and forgets or is ignor¬
ant of what Imperial Monarchy consists and
hopes to be better off in it, as the agents of
the latter insinuate — with the favour there¬
fore of the mob, the old Emperor, or his heir
for him, by a counter-revolutionary move¬
ment and a counter Coup d’Etat reimposes
himself despotically as absolute hereditary
Emperor, reserving, with shrewd opportun¬
ism, to the burgher class and to the popular
class, many of the rights already conceded
to them b}^ the Imperial Republic. But the
change in governmental form does not suc¬
ceed in bettering its essence, which is ex¬
tremely sore. So that, after a few days of
illusory and raving monarchical enthusiasm,
the process of corrupt imperial decadence
continues.

The external State sore, i. e., the bar¬
barism of anarchy and the necessity for im¬
perial wars of conquest abroad, although
diminished still persists. The internal State
sore, i. e., the arbitrariness of despotism and
the necessity of tyrannies in the interior of
the Empire, persists in a more irritated form
because of the four putrefactions just noted,
namely, greater satirical scoffing and irre¬
ligious scepticism, greater unchaining of in¬
dividual egotisms, more obvious treachery
by, inferior rulers and more extended pre¬
domination of the personal interest over any
interest of patriotic defence or greatness.

Therefore, that which now follows could
not but happen. One or another indepen¬
dent Kingdom, or even Princedom, forming
part of the same decadent Empire or of
another newer Empire, because composed of
people less irreligiously sceptical, less mali¬
ciously egotistical, more despotically barba¬
rous, and at the same time eager for wars
for imperial patriotic greatness;

i) shatters the connection of the old
Empire;

2) absorbs now one now another of its
most corrupt and decaying parts — thereby
itself taking the path towards imperial ascen¬
sion, rendering the defeated more or less
slaves, despoiling them more or less of their
lands and with these enriching new Princes,
Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Barons and Gen¬
tlemen, (seized in turn with new natural wick¬
ed greed and mad vanity for enrichment and
parades) producing new spectres of luxury
and misery, repressing intellects with new
religious charlatanry, with new restrictions
of thought and speech, entrusted to the mal¬
ice of new masters, priests and artists;

3) mixes its more barbarous and heal¬
thier germs with those more civilised and
more infected found there, and, dissolving
the old unity of race, language, morals and
civilisation, creates over it a new and varied
imperial unity of race, language, morals and
civilisation of its own.

Nor can this new Empire, because of its
inherent sores of anarchy abroad and despot¬
ism in the interior, escape in turn, when it
has reached the limits of its boundaries, that
same destiny of decadence. A destiny stay¬
ed by some new liberty of thought and
speech, by new abolition of slavery, by new
Coups d’Etat between a new Imperial Repub¬
lic and a new return of the Imperial Mon¬
archy ; but stayed only for a brief time. Be¬
cause, at its fated hour, the destiny of the
new imperial decadence must be accomplish¬
ed and is accomplished.

Thus the phenomenon of the decadence
of Empires, civilisations and races repeats it¬
self, rottenly and monotonously, differing
only in name and date.

And yet, the cause which produces the
decadence of Empires, is the same which
produces their greatness. And in saying
this there is no shadow of paradox. The two
phenomena of greatness and decadence are
products of the same immanent and connect¬
ed sores of the primitive State. The extern¬
al sore, i. e., the barbarism of anarchy abro¬
ad, constraining to warlike conquests and

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

extensions of boundaries, produces the ter¬
ritorial greatness of the Empire, which con¬
solidates into greatness of civilisation and of
race in consequence of the simultaneous in¬
ternal sore. The internal sore, provoking-
ulterior warlike conquests and extensions of
boundaries, and producing a relaxation of the
thought and slavery tyrannies, is responsible
for the monstrous aggrandisement of the
State, followed by the decadence of civilisa¬
tions and of race, which becomes concrete
in decadence of Empires.

Consequently, there is nothing miracu¬
lous in the phenomenon of the greatness of
Empires, as there is nothing mysterious in
their decadence.

And we have a confirmation of this dis¬
eased connection in the correlation of the
particular phenomena of rottenness which
accompany greatness as well as decadence.

In the rise of Empires to greatness, we
find the deceitful religious scepticism of the
few priests and the ingenuous credulity of
the many faithful; the overbearing domina¬
tion of the few governors and the respectful
submission of the many governed; the astute
greed and idleness of the few, and the patient
service and inexhaustible activity of the
many; a widespread recklessness in entering
on wars of conquest; luxurious display by a
few and resigned parsimony of the many.
There are produced colossal and solid works
of artistic beauty, for the vain glory of the
few who order them from the many humbly
sweating to erect them. On the one hand
there is malice, on the other good faith; on
the one hand Olympic calm of the dominat¬
ing classes, the noble and the burgher,
towards novelty and towards the young : on
the other interest in every new current of
ideas coming from abroad, and a protective
sympathy which assimilates the stranger who
brings them.

In decadence, there is a universal irreli¬
gious scepticism, unsubordinated arrogance
and undisciplined carelessness or apathy;
greed counterbalanced by idleness, reluc¬

tance in undertaking military service wheth¬
er in wars of conquest or defence, and satis¬
faction in escaping such service or in being
made prisoner; a desire to live in the midst
of ease and superfluities. There are hasty
and trivial works of artificial art, due to the
wealthy greed of the few who commission
them ignorantly and of the many who fashion
them carelessly and quickly. Everybody is
dishonest, so that a word given is not to be
accepted and agreements and trade are full
of deceit. Malice is found on all sides — as
a result of which every man one meets is that
(< little tube of malice » with whom it is more
profitable to have no relations or distant
ones, while the State itself reaches general
progressive paralysis.

In this condition we find first the stage
of hypersensibility, then the insensibility of
the two dominating classes, the noble and the
burgher, towards novelty and every new cur¬
rent of ideas coming from abroad and against
the young.

1. Hypersensibility. This is produced
in the first stage of decadence by excessive
attachment to the patrimony of ideas that
brought the two ruling classes to the civilised
predominance from which they feel they are
about to fall. This hypersensibility there¬
fore induces them to institute the custom
house of thought and to develop chauvinism,
which properly belongs to States in incipient
decadence, and can be defined as an alter¬
native passing from the discord of national
self-belittlement to the concord of national
self-extolling in order to depreciate the
stranger, even though he may be the bringer
of new and really great ideas and have reach¬
ed such a degree of human sensibility as to
feel as strong a love for the Fatherland of his
adoption as for the Fatherland which he
leaves behind.

Hypersensibility thus induces the two
dominating classes to blunt and crystallise
popular thought, to crystallise even their
own language, which becomes full of silly
phrases, to render difficult the way of the
young and the would be innovators, that is,

A WORLD CENTRE

to fill every office with the old, who by na¬
ture are conservative.

2. Insensibility, in the second stage of
decadence is produced by an apathetic and
mechanical attachment to the patrimony of
ideas that certainly served to bring the two
ruling classes to civilised predomination, but
did not serve to save them from the abject
decadence into which they sank.

Insensibility, therefore, which induces
these two classes — to neglect and destroy
what in their past was truly great, to become
despondent in their inertia, to persuade
themselves and their people that new thought
germinates only abroad, and cannot be ini¬
tiated by them, so great is their decadent
incapacity; to prostrate themselves with vile
obsequiousness before strangers who, whe¬
ther truly or falsely pose as innovators; to
produce, in fact, mocking self-depreciation
and vile exaltation of all foreigners.

The connection between the two pheno¬
mena of greatness and decadence of Empires
is, moreover, confirmed by the process of
recovery. In recovery also one process cor¬
responds with and is dependent upon the
other. In fact, to avoid the abject destiny
of decadence of Empires,, civilisations and
races, there is but one true way, that of not
allowing and thereby avoiding the arrogant
need of their greatness.

The full and radical cure of the two dis¬
eases presupposes, in short, the full and
radical cure of the two sores of the primitive
State — that of the barbarism of anarchy
abroad and that of the arbitrariness of des¬
potism in the interior.

National Constitutions, of which we
shall soon speak, cause in the beginning a
partial cure of the internal State sore, that
of despotism, and produce not the greatest
but a very great civilised progress. But a
complete restoration to political sanity can
only come about through the complete and
radical cure of both State sores;

1) for recovery from the external State
sore implies — suppression of the barbarism
of anarchy and the introduction of civilised
restraints abroad; suppression of the neces¬
sity of warlike conquests for territorial ag¬
grandisement; the taking of measures a-
gainst the slackening of familiar and pa¬
triotic ties,between rulers and ruled; eradi¬
cating the need of internal tyrannies and
foreign discords;

2) for recovery from the internal State
sore implies — suppression of the arbitra¬
riness of despotism in the interior and a
tendency to suppress it parliamentarily also
abroad; suppression of the necessity of tyr¬
annies in the interior and a tendency to sup¬
press them representatively also abroad;
suppression of the irreligious, sceptical, un¬
trustworthy, deceptive, treacherous conflict
of greedy individual interests in the interior
and consequently also abroad; introduction
of social and really patriotic ties within the
States, and a tendency to create human and
really civilised ones between State and State.

If no cure of these two sores takes place
in the State, diseased greatness and deca¬
dence inexorably end in death. In fact, of
many Empires that once existed, and of their
respective civilisations and races, no trace
remains. And it is well that this should be.
The survival of an Empire which has reach¬
ed the extreme of decadence and has become
a centre of malice and moral infection would
be a more destructive fact for the human
species than its mortal decay. It is the con¬
quest of such an Empire, the dismemberment
of its territory, the destruction of its,- cor¬
rupt civilisation, and the subjection and de¬
nationalisation of its race that, for the want
of a better one, reveals itself as the remedy.
These evils are, briefly, so many natural
remedies for the unhealthy condition of
things. Effected unconsciously by the con¬
quering State, in the course of its imperial
development, monstrous yet inevitable in
present conditions, and pregnant with vir¬
tues germinating from the good faith of the
many destined to accomplish the work of

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

punishment, these natural remedies cauter¬
ise and deaden a gangrenous part of the
human species, and in the meantime, al¬
though only temporarily, save the adjacent
parts. An apparent evil therefore reveals
itself as a benefit for humanity. And this
evil, which yet acts beneficently, can be the
only remedy for decadence as long as the
institution of an International Assembly is
lacking, wherein, without need of massacr¬
ing vandalisms and conquests, the inferior
Nations can be legally dominated by the su¬
perior.

Of this phenomenon of decadence of Em-
pires, civilisations and races, of this corrupt
and yet mighty phenomenon, we now know
enough. And therefore only as complement
shall we speak of these last three facts con¬
cerning it.

The first of these facts, which in interest
supersedes the other two, consists in the rise
of a new religious idealism from the midst
of the cynical corruption of every imperial
decadence. Out of evil comes good. Malig¬
nant putrefaction of life in the interior
cannot be the environment adapted to all or¬
ganisms. As a consequence, an organism
here, another organism there, possessed of a
more human structure and sensibility to
beauty, intelligence and compassion than
the most, reacts against the environment
which is intolerable to it. Such organisms
individually and collectively perceive that
religious deceit and error are the very
first causes of the Fatherland’s decadence.
Therefore, with a boldness hypnotic and in¬
spired and with fervid altruistic passion,
they attempt either to redeem the purity of
the old faith, or to re-group the new positive
facts of science and to dispose them as a
scientific basis for the old spiritual faith.

But the malice of the governors who rule
the Empire, lies in wait for this new miracle
of faith in order to utilise it. In fact, when
it finds the opportune moment, the Empire
enlists new masters, priests and artists for
the sacred task, of adapting the precepts of
the redeemed or new religion to the egotisms

of the governing and of the exploiting class¬
es, of perverting its meaning by school
teachings, by church worship; briefly, of
making it serve the latest exigencies of des¬
potic and tyrannical imperial government
even better than the old religious precepts.
There follow, consequently, new restrictions
of thought and of speech, for the purpose of
preventing the new precepts from being un¬
derstood otherwise than as pleases the gov¬
ernment. And the deception serves for a
time. But when the Empire has extended
its boundaries beyond even that large sphere
in which insubordinations and insurrections
are easy to foment and repressed with dif¬
ficulty, when the Empire is constrained to
concede new and greater liberty of thought
and of speech, then new real facts are per¬
ceived by the governed, new ideas of positive
science appear to them in contrast with the
teachings of the churches, of the schools and
of the arts, and a new imperial decadence is
determined. And then, from the midst of
this ferment and as a result of it, appears a
new religious idealism. A new prophet re¬
veals a better spiritual faith, redeemed or
based upon the science of the time, which is
greater than the previous one. He arouses
new apostles and new believers, and purifies
and elevates the people to a severer life. A
new miracle of religious renascence occurs,
which new imperial authorities utilise with
new deceits of masters, priests and artists.
But they cannot wholly suppress the new
germs of scientific and spiritual truth which
the new religious renascence contains. Nor
can they prevent humanity from slowly ad¬
vancing in its civilised progress, while the
phenomenon of the decadence of Empires
and civilisations evilly and monotonously
repeats itself.

The second of the last facts to be known
relates to the intensity of the decadence of
Empires, civilisations and races. Given
that this decadence is the diseased con¬
sequence of the two sores of the primitive
State, and breaks out exactly when relax¬
ation from the tyrannies of thought and
slavery is producing a progressively edu¬
cative and illuminative effect on people and

A WORLD CENTRE

a progressive development of mistrust of the
despotism which endures and rots the Fath¬
erland, it is evident that decadence can but
be greater and more rapid where, from
ethnical causes, men have more vivacious
vital movements and mentality. So that,
generally, decadence of Empire, civilisation
and race occurs more rapidly in southern
States, where the ascent to greatness has also
been more rapid.

The third and final fact to be known is
related to the succession of decadences of
Empires, civilisations and races. It being
admissible that the migratory succession of
men and States upon earth occurred from
east to west, because of the attractive fascin¬
ation which the sun could not but exert upon
successive men, owing to their desire to fol¬
low it at sunset where it vanished carrying
with it its mysterious, luminous, warm and
beneficent power — admitting this, there¬
fore, it is permissible to hold that the suc¬
cession of decaying Empires, civilisations
and races may have followed the succession
of their greatness and have occurred from
east to west. Where greatness of Empire,
of civilisation and of race was first reached,
there also everybody’s mistrust and moral
putrefaction, and the decadence of Empire,

of civilisation and of race had to be first
reached. Thus, making, for once, an ex¬
ception to the prohibition we set ourselves
against too specific instances in order not to
leave the field of pure scientific research, we
can hold that the succession in the imperial
magnificence of greatness and in the im¬
perial abjection of decadence — within mo¬
dern times, necessarily democratic, for the
misunderstanding of which fact Germany
has lost her turn — was and will be from
China to India, from India to Babylonia,
from Babylonia to Egypt, from Egypt to
Greece, from Greece to Italy, from Italy to
France, from France to England, from Eng¬
land to America.

To America destiny reserves the mag¬
nificence of pointing out the new future
greatness, certainly not of Empire but of
civilisation and of race. To America then
destiny also reserves, with the grace of es¬
caping the abjection of decadence, itself a
natural consequence of the magnificence of
greatness, the grace of showing humanity
how to escape it forever, how to cure itself
radically and fully of the two State sores,
how to prevent the earth, before its death,
becoming from pole to pole, one sewer of
fallen peoples.

CHAPTER VI.

THE GREATEST OF EMPIRICAL FACTS:
OLD NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONS.

Imperial decadence, as we have seen,
was coincident with scientific discoveries,
progressive religious renascences and pro¬
gressive ascendency of the burgher class,
which used the implicit financial and moral
ruin of the noble class to step over it to im¬
portance. The burgher class, in fact, while
still suffering from the fever of emulating
the noble class by means of the pecuniary
wealth resulting from its exploitation, was
overtaken by another fever, that of making
such wealth more secure, through convert¬
ing the larger part of it into landed property
and of thus surpassing the other landed class
which, by right of warlike conquest, had
originally appropriated and divided it among
themselves. The burghers, therefore, went
on feverishly buying a piece of land here,
another piece there, according as luxury or
the need of money induced now one and now
another noble to sell.

But the burghers suffered from this
fever not only because of their longing to
amass wealth and give it greater stability.
They experienced this desire also because of
their longing to conquer that governmental
domination which still remained concentrat¬
ed in the hands of the King Emperor much
more than in those of the adherent noble
class, now reduced to a slight senatorial au¬
thority. The burghers were filled with this
passion for money and lands because of their
longing to acquire legal domination, i. e.,
the faculty of imposing laws, and because

they wished to complete and ensure their
domination on the sexual, family, profession¬
al, commercial, artistic and .social fields and
to live more according to their own will.

The share of governmental domination
conferred by the Imperial Republic upon the
burgher class had, in truth, almost vanished
at the restoration of Imperial Monarchy.
But despotic arrogance became too unseemly
in the decadent Imperial Kingdom, because
of the acts of the new King Emperor w r ho
would strike with false accusations of con¬
spiracy against his Imperial Majesty now
one, now another, of the richest nobles or
burghers, in order to confiscate their riches.
And such excessive overbearingness consti¬
tuted the best pretext the burgher class could
wish for to reawaken its own longings for
authoritative governmental domination.

The insurrectionary union, which oc¬
curred between nobles, burghers and the
people against royal despotism, in fact,
promised to be a very severe blow to the
latter. But, because of the obstacles creat¬
ed by three causes of which we shall now
speak, the blow failed to produce its promis¬
ed effect.

Firstly, because the grim and rapacious,
sanguinary and obscene man — not yet
struck down — caused despotism to be still
strongly rooted, not only at Court, but in the
usages of government and even in the inti-

A WORLD CENTRE

mate sentiment of many in those very class¬
es of nobles, burghers and populace who
thought themselves his proud enemies.

Secondly, because the scientific progress
of the time, and the consequent religious
progress, were not such as to enlighten the
minds of the nobles, the burghers and the
populace to the extent necessary for the con¬
ception of a Positive Science of Government
and a Positive conception of Internationalism
such as is here outlined. Indeed, religious
progress was such as to dazzle rather than
to illumine the conscience, and in the proud
struggle being waged against despotic priv¬
ileges, it lent itself to deforming the divine
conception of the time into these puritanical
and exalted affirmations — that all men are
equal before God, therefore all equal among
themselves, and created to live as free and
equal brothers. Three heresies these a-
gainst the universal law which desires the
greatest possible variety of forms and of val¬
ues, and which, desiring this as the aim of
life, also demands that, according to their
organic progress in altruistic sensibility,
men;

1) shall all have an equal legal right
to develop their individual forces in the freest
and most varied way;

2) shall all have fraternal equity of
intercourse, in the sense that the strongest
and superior shall equitably and fraternally
recognise the right of the weaker and infe¬
rior to choose their work, which, done in
the time of their youth and maturity, can
assure them the necessaries for a healthy life,
free from the abjection of misery and charity,
with opportunity to develop their forces;

3) shall all, in short, have these liber¬
ties and rights guaranteed in Communal
Councils, in National Assemblies, in the in¬
ternational Assembly, by representatives
of the humanistic or liberal elements which
shall dominate the brutish.

Because, finally, the altruistic sensibility
of the nobles, burghers and populace — being
in a retarded state of development — was in¬

capable of producing in them those genial
intuitions which often supply deficiencies in
scientific and religious light, those curbs of
egotistic privileges and those impulses of
equitable abnegation which would have been
necessary for such an undertaking as the
radical overthrow of despotic tyranny.

For these three reasons, despotism could
not then be radically attacked and was pro¬
tected from the death blow we are now trying
to give it.

A representation of the three classes in
conjunction did come into existence, at the
incitement of the burgher class anxious to
rise, and several times it tried to lay its an-
tidespotic proposals before the overbearing
King Emperor.

After petitions and prayers had been
tried and met with furious anger or royal
revenge against the nobles, burghers and
populace who presented them — finally, by
the force of a great popular uprising, a re¬
presentation from the three classes was re¬
ceived. This body demanded that affairs of
State should be first discussed in a Parlia¬
mentary Assembly, consisting of elected re¬
presentatives of the three classes together,
and should then be decided by the King as
he thought best. Since it was always he who
sovereignly decided, the King did them the
grace of consenting and promised to consider
the question of ordering elections and of
convoking a Parliament at such times as he
thought it advisable to hear his subjects’
opinion on affairs of State. And, as a con¬
sequence of simultaneous insurrections of
populace and military, by royal concession
and at the royal discretion, there arose the
Parliament, or rather a Parliamentary As¬
sembly, composed : a) of nobles, by right of
birth and hereditary succession, b) of bur¬
ghers, by electoral right, that is, elected by
their votes and those of a small number of
the superior populace, to whom His Majesty,
in his clemency, conceded the right to vote.

But it was not long before new causes
of dispute arose. The burgher class, having

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

become intolerant of the superiority of the
nobles, sought to contend for governmental
domination through discussions and deci¬
sions in Parliament. Seizing therefore on
some pretext for dissension, it produced a
parliamentary class scission, as a result of
which — the burghers formed the House of
Commons, that is, deputies not of the noble
class but commoners, together with those of
the popular class by whom they had been
elected. The nobles remained and constitut¬
ed the House of Lords, that is, senators, like
the King of noble class, and with hereditary
right to govern.

And the King Emperor gained by the
schism, profiting by the jealousies of Lords
and Commoners to reconquer his absolute
powers little by little. Convoking at long
intervals first one now the other House, and
utilising their discordant decisions, he could
the better do as he pleased. He even reach¬
ed the point of making light of both houses
and of regaining his old arrogance. But in
so acting he produced not indeed a parlia¬
mentary fusion of both Houses, but a cordial
understanding between the two against him.

The two Houses — joining against the
King-Emperor, with the support of many
troops, faithful to a general who, with puri¬
tan and magnetic religious spirit, had risen
against royal arrogance — divided now the
task of high justice, inasmuch as the House
of Commons accused, and the House of
Lords condemned the King-Emperor as guil¬
ty of high treason. In the resulting process
which, with all its formulae, was an ad¬
vance beyond the revolutionary rising, sever¬
al Kings and several of their minister ac¬
complices were sent one after another to the
scaffold. In doing all this, the two Houses
prepared the great event of the Fundamental
Law of the National Constitution, in such
a way as it was then possible for it to occur.
They prepared the advent of representative
government, in an empirical instead of a
scientific way, but nevertheless in a way
which to some extent substituted the old des¬
potism by a partially organised parliamen¬
tary electoral struggle, by means of which

the State forces of mind, of body and of
wealth could develop, certainly not adequate¬
ly, yet in a way that produced the greatest
civil progress in the history of past govern¬
mental existence.

The fundamental law of the old Nation¬
al Constitution — thus resulting not in its
most desirable form, but as it could — was
written upon a Magna Charta, and was im¬
posed upon the new King Emperor, who,
taught by the unenviable end of his late pre¬
decessors, stooped to listen to it with a great
deal of interest and a great disposition to ap¬
prove it. The Statutes of this opportunistic
Constitution, ambiguous as they could but
be in the midst of bloody revolutionary tu¬
mults — were in condensed form these : —

The House of Commons, that is, the
elective House, resulting from the vote of
the burghers and of a few T of the populace,
became predominant in comparison with the
House of Lords. It became so because of
the exclusive faculty it reserved to itself of
raising taxes, or rather of forming the State
Exchequer, without which it is impossible
to govern. Thus was satisfied the burghers’
desire for governmental domination.

•\\

No act of government could be made by
the King Emperor without the signature of
a responsible Minister, appointed by the
House of Commons and approved by the
House of Lords. So that the King Emperor
was compared to one who is irresponsible.

III

Arrests and sentences of Peers could
only be made by the House of Lords. Ar¬
rests of members of the Commons had to be
authorised by the House of Commons. Ar¬
rests among the populace had to be confirm

A WORLD CENTRE

ed, and sentences, whether of Commons
or of populace, had to be preferred by juries,
that is, by sworn burghers or members of the
populace who were more or less unenlight¬
ened and incompetent but preferable to the
royal and arbitrary policemen of the past and
of the possible future.

Liberty of thought, of speech and of the
press had to be inviolable. And inviolable
had also to be freedom to meet and to as¬
sociate.

The components of the State formed, in
the ensemble of their three classes, a Nation¬
al Kingdom.

As a quick and vile opportunistic trans¬
action, the King Emperor’s entreaty that
appearances should be saved was granted,
that is, that his authority should apparently
be undiminished, that his divine right, his
hereditary succession and his pow T er to reign
should be preserved. Thus it was made to
seem that the National Constitution, that
is, the renunciation of his supreme authority,
which had been forced upon him, was really
spontaneously offered by him to aid the ad¬
vance of new civilisation and the aspirations
of his beloved burghers and of his beloved
populace. The imposed adjustment of the
National Constitution was called tempered
Monarchy or Constitutional Monarchy — and
there were used in the text of the Constitu¬
tion, obsequious phrases towards royal power
— while the King! was left the faculty of
making Princes, Dukes, Marquises, Earls
and Barons at haphazard, that is, without
lands, and the faculty also of favouring the
desires of the burghers who might wish to
extend these to the point of buying, not only
pieces of land, but also annexed noble titles,
and to become notary Princes, Dukes, Mar¬
quises, Earls, Barons. There was also as¬
signed to the King, a showy Civil List (this
was the most important) which was the equi¬

valent of the money that he could hencefor¬
ward take by contributions imposed upon
subjects without giving account to anyone.
This permitted him, together with his inti¬
mates, to continue the earlier magnificence
of his life, and from time to time to donate a
sum of money to the people, in order to seem
as if he still gave liberally of his own, while
in fact, he but returned to them what was
theirs. His face was still left impressed
upon the coins, so that the blessedness of
money might still seem to derive from him.
To him was reserved the faculty of bestowing
decorations of his own accord, besides those
he was obliged by the ministers to give for
electoral ends. Moreover, the coat of arms
of his house, i. e., the old sign of his reign,
remained in the centre of the national flag.

VII

By force of circumstances, that is, be¬
cause of the impossibility for the Commons,
or burghers, to come into such relations as to
impose themselves upon the Kings and Em¬
perors of other States, the King remained
head of the Army; and to him was reserved
the right to declare war and to make peace,
of course, with the limitations derived from
the fact of having to obtain from the Com¬
mons the financial means, without which it
is possible to make peace but not war.

Thus tyrannical despotism was not rad¬
ically suppressed, it was not scientifically
abolished, it was only empirically weakened
and tempered — the more emphatically be¬
cause of these pretences of royal power which
it was necessary by mendacious and silly
ways of speech to keep up, and which made
Public Law, that is. Constitutional Law, a
tangled mess of lies and foolishness.

Thus representative government arose,
not properly as a government of controlled
forces, as against arbitrary despotic govern¬
ment, but as a hybrid betterment of it, in
many points actually inferior to it.

Thus old National Constitutions were a-
dopted by almost all States, with a frenzy of

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

imitation and a variety of lies and foolishness,
sometimes worse, sometimes better. They
were thus feverishly adopted because, in
spite of their empiricism and their tangled
mess of lies and foolishness, they everywhere
appeased the desires for governmental domi¬
nation of the burgher classes and were in
reality an event of great civil potentiality.
And because they were adopted with this
frenzy of imitation, they were always plan¬
ned on the Two Chamber system, even
where no House of Lords had been created.
That is, with stupid reasons for pondered
legislative reflection, adopted by the in¬
terested, there was created, beside the elec¬
tive and effective Chamber of Deputies, an
academical and encumbering Senate elected
for life, which in substance afforded a very
convenient domination for those who were
wealthy.

Thus —- while the external State sore,
that is, the barbarism of national independ¬
ence and the necessity of foreign wars, by
fatality of circumstances still persisted —
the internal State sore, that is, the arbitra¬
riness of despotism and the necessity of
tyrannies in the interior, through baneful
royal influence, was not healed, but only
reduced by virtue of the empirical ointment
it had received. Yet, though the poison of
royal despotism rendered the sore extremely
malignant, the mere fact of its being
assuaged, produced great benefits in govern¬
ment and civilisation, which had never before
been possible, and which, even though mix¬
ed with many evils — due to which a truly
Chaotic Period was entered upon, as we
shall now see — gave to humanity a sense of
happy beatitude, in contrast with the mem¬
ory of the horrors of the past.

■

. 1 .

■ ■

. ' ■ '

■

CHAPTER VII.

THE CHAOTIC PERIOD.

The grim, rapacious, sanguinary and ob¬
scene man, the King, acted with self-preserv¬
ing circumspection when he urged that Na*
tional Constitutions should leave to royal
power the appearance at least of its ancient
authority. He knew that if this appearance
only were once admitted, it would then be
his affair, profiting by events, to turn it once
more into reality.

It can be affirmed without a shadow of
doubt that the day this request was made, and
granted by the burgher class, was announced
also the beginning of the Chaotic Period , of
which we shall now trace the broad outline.
At a distance of centuries this Chaotic Period
has intimated its end in the blood of the most
horrible of all wars, namely in the blood of
the present war.

From the day of that fatal concession,
began the chaos of abolishing despotism in
word, and preserving it in fact. And from
that same day the two State sores of arbitrary
despotism in the interior and of barbarous
anarchy abroad, were certainly assuaged by
the empirical constitutional unguent, but be¬
cause of the prurulence of the rising decep¬
tive and chaotic elements they became fetid.

Liberty of thought, of speech and of the
press could not but command more or less
respect, being clearly defined in the ambig¬
uous National Constitutions. Consequently,
Kings had to resign themselves to suffocat¬

ing these liberties only in those respects that
particularly interested them, namely, in those
related to the science of government and its
connected religion. And this they did.
And perceiving that the more they pretended
to be defenders of liberty of thought, of
speech, of the press, and of all other branches
of learning, the better they would succeed,
they became outright patrons of the other
sciences.

The lack of science in government pre¬
meditated, willed, and brought about by
royal power, with the acquiescence of the
burgher class, which nevertheless desired to
attain governmental domination, reinforced
the empirical falsity of National Constitu¬
tions. And the Chaotic Period, already ini¬
tiated, became thereby so aggravated as to
extend down to our times, whence, looked at
in perspective, it appears to be divided into
these three series of facts.

i) Almost all the sciences, little by lit¬
tle, rose to dizzy heights of progress, which
if prophesied in the past would have seemed
follies, and rendered schools truly distin¬
guished in these branches of knowledge.

On the other hand, the science of govern¬
ment remained basely empirical, and turned
schools into so many foci of deceit and stu¬
pidity in regard to the knowledge of Public
Right, i. e., the branch of learning concern¬
ing the legal principles which regulate the

A WORLD CENTRE

relations of individuals to the State as well
as of one State to another. And the science
of government remained thus undeveloped
because of the complicity of two categories
of professors who, lusting after lucre and
inflamed with vanity, voluntarily accepted in
the schools a similar position to that occupi¬
ed by the ancient masters constrained by ab¬
solute tyrannical despotism. Thus fawn-
ingly, and with the consent of the governing
burghers, the professors lent themselves to
the secret influence of the King.

The first categorj T of professors submitt¬
ed themselves to the royal purposes in their
character as professors of Constitutional
Law, by writing books and lessons of mis¬
leading and idiotic constitutional theory; by
putting forward not positive but metaphys¬
ical principles of Constitutional Law, swal¬
lowed in fatuities of legal philosophies; by
inducing the belief that royal powers, which
had only made their appearance in National
Constitutions through cowardly opportun¬
ism, were immanent and real.

The second class lent themselves to the
subtle ends of the King as professors of In¬
ternational Law ; by writing books and les¬
sons of misleading and foolish International
Law; by professing not positive but meta¬
physical principles of International Law,
also enveloped in the fatuities of legal phi¬
losophies ; by foolish discussion about nation¬
al independence, depicted as the culmination
of ci vilisation instead of as an anarchical and
barbarous means for Kings to enrich them¬
selves; by inducing the belief that treaties
among States have the validity of legal rela¬
tions, whereas States, in their independence,
proclaim themselves in the non-State of in¬
ternational anarchy, unfettered by legality as
between themselves, and incapable of accept¬
ing legality or of executing legal treaties.

By lending themselves to these purposes
both of these classes of professors defiled the
pure minds of youths, who, when they be¬
came men ripe for government, could not but
apply these teachings to the advantage of
royal despotism.

2) The progress of all sciences, except
that of government, had, as never before,
unveiled an immensity of new facts which,
being In opposition to surviving religious
teachings, reduced the prestige of the chur¬
ches and brought them to the level of the
schools of Public Right. For priests and
pastors, desiring lucre, voluntarily accepted
in the church positions similar to those oc¬
cupied by their ancient predecessors con¬
strained to their acceptance by absolute ty¬
rannic despotism, and fawninglv, with the
consent of the governing burghers, lent
themselves to the secret influences of Kings.
They served the royal purposes by writing
books and sermons discouraging the enthu¬
siasm aroused by scientific progress and in¬
ducing the belief that no scientific discovery
contrary to their religious teachings had any
value, that their moral authority was etern¬
ally such as it was by divine will, even as
w r ere the royal powers inserted in National
Constitutions and confirmed by professors of
Constitutional Law.

So that, by their submissiveness, priests
and pastors, while they prevented religion
from advancing correspondingly with scien¬
ce, debased it in very fact, defiling, more¬
over, the pure minds of youths, who, having
later become men ripe for government, could
not but apply the teachings in Public Right
they had received, to the advantage of chur¬
ches and of royal despotism.

3) Against the scholastic and ecclesias¬
tical perversions of the science of govern¬
ment, there were set up in the meantime,
democratic commonplaces derived from the
latest mistaken religious progress, that is,
three exalted and erroneous, liberal and
equalitarian puritan affirmations, fruit of
the unfortunate reaction against aristocratic
cunning which was likewise defiling the
pure minds of youths. These youths, when
later they became men in government, with
their insipid democratic phraseology also
aided the conservation of aristocrac:^ and, in¬
stead of bringing about equitable laws be¬
tween dominators and dominated, caused
both to keep their laws of liberal, equalita-
rian and hypocritical iniquity.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

4) Scientific, philosophical and reli¬
gious ideas form the substratum which is a
necessity for works of art. They are the
solid ground work from which artistic flights
are made. And great artists must receive
a foundation from great scientists, great phi¬
losophers and great religious teachers, in
order to do great works of art. For their
mentality cannot well suffice to the task of
creating such a substratum, so opposed are
the faculties of profound observation and
logic required in order to be great scientists,
great philosophers, great religious teachers,
to the faculties of high imagination and en¬
tertainment required in order to be great
artists.

■9

Therefore, false Constitutions, which
allowed the science of government to remain
erroneously empirical, and which, in con¬
sequence, permitted religion to remain er¬
roneously superstitious, were bound to pro¬
duce the calamity of great artists making
political works of art which turned out in¬
significant because they were based upon
substrata of governmental ignorance, and
confirmed political errors.

Therefore, artists in general, especially
literary men, because of their knowledge of
writing, produced works of seductively so¬
phistic character, for the greater delusion of
the readers. Poets did even worse, because
of the freedom of fancy which fearlessly and
fascinatingly permits tales of all kinds.

These, if in bad faith and lusting for
lucre, became adulators of all the scholastic
and ecclesiastical malice and stupidities a-
bout divine right and divine royal power,
preserved in the Constitutions; if in good
faith and burning with anti-autocratic hat¬
red, they became democratic extollers of all
the ingenuities about Liberty, Equalky,
Fraternity, opposed by Democracy to Au¬
tocracy.

And in the meantime, artists — espe¬
cially if poets — through the attraction of
their works of art, defiled the minds of
youths, already defiled by schools and chur¬

ches, who, on attaining to government —
either applied the teachings received to the
advantage of churches and of royal despotism
—or else combated them in an insipid dem¬
ocratic way.

Because of the high treason of kings

AND BASE ACQUIESCENCE OF THE BURGHER CLASS,
the following facts also came to pass.

Divine Right.

Divine right caused royal successions to
take place with constitutional disregard of
the national will. This was exercised cap¬
tiously by the King’s contemporaries, upon
whom the National Constitution was first
imposed. Later generations were made to
believe that even to think of discussing it in
order to reform it was an act of lese majeste.
And thus the Science of Government re¬
mained yet more incapable of development,
inhibited from making progress, which is
the basis of every Science.

The doctrine of divine right caused the
person of the King and Queen to be censur¬
ed, not constitutionally with honest and cou¬
rageous frankness, but through an under¬
current of inept murmurs and scorn.

Divine right permitted the continuation,
in a constitutional way, of the vulgar comedy
of Their Majesties’ occasional showy inter¬
vention and of the people’s plebeian cu¬
riosity to admire them; unconscious as it was
that it was paying for this show, with the
sweat of its ill-compensated work, uncon¬
scious of the commiserating and mocking
smile with which Their Majesties responded
to its joyful acclamations.

Divine right caused public squares to be
the more encumbered and disfigured by ugly
and idiotic monuments to the Constitutional
King, caused libraries to be the more encum¬
bered and disfigured by servile and idiotic
encomiums of the Constitutional King, in
short, made of royalty an odious, hypocrit¬
ical farce, in contrast to the awful tragedy
of tyranny it had been.

A WORLD CENTRE

And there was no speech made to the
King or by the King in which God was not
brought in, with allusions to divine right and
applied to divine grace that the King might
live long. And there was no solemnity at
which, with these same allusions, God was
not exploited.

In schools and churches, ragged little
children were taught to declaim about divine
right. In theatres, people who would rather
have put on their overcoats and gone home
to sleep, were made to sing about it. Even
in the two Chambers of Parliament, members
stooped to proclaim it. Nobles found in it
class nourishment for their hereditary suc¬
cession, while burghers, if they had not be¬
come haphazard or notary Princes, Dukes,
Marquises, Earls or Barons, saw in it an in¬
nocuous ceremonial, being satisfied with the
government domination, which, apart from
certain royal corrosions, they succeeded in
exercising to their own advantage.

Parliamentary Government atrophied.

Popular electoral representation and
parliamentary government, which had been
the corner stones of the revolutionary move¬
ment by which the burgher class had ob¬
tained popular support, had imposed the
National Constitution and had conquered
government authority, both atrophied in
their infancy because of royal influence and
burgher acquiescence. Such extensions of
electoral rights as were now and then conced¬
ed, were, in fact, null or petty. But the ar¬
guments adopted by rulers to deny the vote,
were more idiotic than petty, and became
the starting-point for other arguments on
the part of the ruled to demand it. Educa¬
tion, the payment of taxes, the prerogative
of the male sex, with the natural consequence
that not women but men only as heads of the
family or of business concerns, should have
the right to express opinions upon govern¬
ment affairs : these were the reasons which,
coming into play at every demand for an ex¬
tension of the vote : a) recalled the first con¬
descension which the grim and rapacious,
sanguinary and obscene man, the King,

deigned to show when he admitted the possi¬
bility of subjects’ sometimes being called to
give an opinion upon some internal govern¬
ment affair, b) perpetuated the pretence that
the electoral vote is a gracious royal conces¬
sion, c) produced a multitude of malicious
and idiotic discussions between opposite par¬
ties : discussions which, if not malicious,
gave proof of extreme ignorance regarding
the fundamental conception of the Nation,
which, we know, lies in the desired and ad¬
mitted connection with the State on the part
of the born and naturalised in a given place,
whether male or female.

These discussions, if not malicious, gave
proof of bovine ignorance as to the essence
of the electoral vote, which we know is a
bloodless, controlled and civilised use of
men’s forces of mind, of body and of wealth
in their struggle for government domination,
a use constitutionally harmonised in order to
avoid that bloody arbitrary and barbarous
one, to which, lacking the vote, recourse
must be had.

These discussions being thus idiotic but
of malicious origin, that is, promoted by fear
on the part of the King and nobles lest they
might lose the advantages of governmental
domination which they eiijoyed — because
extension of the electoral vote would have
made the people conquer government au¬
thority and domination — produced these
consequent facts.

Women and vote.

Women, because they had remained
from generation to generation iniquitously
extraneous to politics, had, fortunately for
themselves also remained free from the
mental limitations in matters of politics that
had taken lodging in masculine brains.
What in women seemed their political de¬
ficiencies, became, therefore, their particu¬
lar aptitude to look upon politics with un¬
prejudiced, pure, fresh and new mentality.
Women, briefly, were those who, claiming
the right to vote, could seek, discover and
utter truths of political science never said by

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

unfortunate men, who had remained in the
empirical and practitioning business of poli¬
tics. Had women done this, they would, by
evidencing an intellectual superiority over
the males, have given value to their preten¬
sions to the vote and would have quickly suc¬
ceeded in winning it.

They would have understood and have
made the men understand that the forces of
mind, of body and of wealth with which they
were endowed, required the exercise of the
vote, as a way of enabling them to use these
forces legally and civilly instead of anarchi¬
cal! y and barbarously, as a way of realising
their duty towards the laws, even when re¬
maining in an electoral minority and power¬
less to impose fresh laws.

But women only knew how to begin
well, in denouncing the shameful fact that
men had not given them a right to vote for
the same reasons that they had not given it
to children, to the insane and to delinquents.
After this terrible accusation it would have
been logical for women to mistrust all the
men’s constitutional theories and to begin to
think for themselves. Instead, they knew
no better than to study, memorise and repeat
all the malicious and idiotic theories which
they learnt from men. Thus they became
lost in the unending discussions about the
extension of the vote, which men were or¬
ganising, and gave the latter a strong reason
for opposing the female suffrage, in that
women had shown that they could do noth¬
ing but repeat men’s speeches, and conse¬
quently gave promise of adding nothing to
political life but a larger quantity of useless
talk In Parliamentary Assemblies. And thus
they condemned themselves to not having
the vote. Because the malicious and idiotic
reasons invented by men for conceding the
vote, through use, had become conventional
falsities; had become obvious and Indisput¬
able — so much so as to prevent the famous
'universal suffrage, i. e., extension of the vote
to all mankind, and to make it seem as a-
gainst nature to give women a right to
vote.

Women claimed the vote on the ground
of the taxes that some women pay — and
were answered that taxes are generally paid
by the head of the familly, that is, bji men,
and that taxes are also paid by the insane,
by delinquents and by minors who have
no vote. Women claimed the vote on the
ground of literacy, namely, on the ground of
the progress made by some women in liter¬
ature, in science, in poetry, and were. 1 an¬
swered that usually men are more learned
and, therefore, their wise counsels regarding
government matters could be held to be suf¬
ficient. Women claimed the vote 011 the
ground that they, like men, are subjected to
obedience to the laws, and were answered
that it was impossible that political equality
should exist betwmen men and women, seeing
that nature, with the diversity of sex, had
created a diversity of functions. So that the
question of women’s right to vote, being bas¬
ed on the ground of empirical discussion,
could not but last for ever, because of the
equivalent erroneousness of the arguments
for and against.

And the misfortune was that not only
did women remain deprived of the vote, but
many men, continuing in ignorance of the
positive reason for it, remained deprived of
the vote which, through scientific feminine
action, they might have had.

Aiid the regrettable consequence was that
the minds of humanity, deprived of positive
conceptions of government, were deprived
of a Positive Science of Government to which
through women’s action they might have at¬
tained. They remained incapable of ex¬
amining scientifically, and thus of truly
solving, the most terrible problems of gov¬
ernment, first among which is that of arma¬
ments and wars — inca/pabie therefore of
avoiding this most horrible of all wars which,
in the general ignorance produced by politi¬
cal empiricism, was slowly preparing.

And the unfortunate result was that
women remained petty, while they might
have been the first to understand political

A WORLD CENTRE

truths not understood by the greatest states¬
men and might have made themselves leaders
in a great movement. They might have
helped to put an end to government imbe¬
cilities, and to give a scientific basis also to
politics.

Elections.

The convocation of electors to elections
and of the elected to parliamentary meetings
was considered a royal prerogative, always
in memory of the condescension shown by the
first King when he admitted subjects to
consultations about the internal affairs of
government. And not a few men in gov¬
ernment undertook, in the sharpest par¬
liamentary conflicts, to threaten the royal
prerogative of dissolving the Parliamentary
Assembly.

Parliamentary representation .

Was proportioned not to the forces of
mind, of body and of wealth of electoral
regions and circumscriptions, but to popu¬
lation — namely, to one only of the positive
elements of government domination, that of
the force of body. So that Parliaments be¬
came encumbered, in majorities, by repre¬
sentatives of very numerous but also very
stupid and very poor electors, encumbered,
moreover, by State solicitors and function¬
aries, capable of being brought to favour
royal or burgher aspirations through dialectic
allurements and unseemly perversions of
every truth.

Since the King proclaimed himself as
such, not because of proud or vain desire for
government domination, but because of di¬
vine right and of his obligation to obey God’s
commands and endure the painful cares of
State for the protection of his own people
— so the less scrupulous meddlers with votes
had themselves elected, not because of any
proud and vain desire for government dom¬
ination, but because of the electors’ con¬
fidence and of their obligation to govern the
country in the interest of its prosperity.
And therefore electoral candidatures became
full of hypocrisies.

Electoral abstention.

Was not considered as cowardice, not as
a favour to politicians thus rendered freer
to accomplish their political deceptions un¬
observed, not as a sign of ignorance that pol¬
itics are the science of life in government.
Even though voting was vilely secret, as a
safeguard against royal persecutions, electo¬
ral abstension was vaunted as a dignified
reluctance to meddle in political struggles,
which were not approved of by His Majesty,
but rather criticised because of their being
a sign of indiscreet interference with his
divine power of government.

Militarism and militarists.

Came into existence — as a product of
despotism, denied in word in National Con¬
stitutions and preserved in fact in divine
right — as a product of the false national,
electoral and constitutional conception.

In Constitutional Governments, in fact,
the militia, and more especially its chiefs,
had the illusion that it depended not upon
the electoral representation, namely, the
Chamber of Deputies, as guarantee of the
observance of national laws and as respon¬
sible authority over the contingencies of war,
but really, as was written in National Con¬
stitutions, upon its King. It supposed itself,
as in times of despotic government, arbiter
with him, of the question of making wars for
its own imperialistic ends, or for the purpose
of imposing itself upon the deputies who, by
refusing financial means, might think them¬
selves able to hinder the royal and military
arbitrary power given by the Constitutions.

And this illusion, deriving from ma¬
licious and confusing defilements of the na¬
tional, electoral and constitutional concep¬
tion — while it was the first cause of the
birth of militarism and militarists — produc¬
ed another illusion which, increasing the
confusion, became a second cause of the evil
of militarism. This second illusion was:
that the militia could, during National Con¬
stitutions, profit by the same old despotic

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

arbitrariness, in order when it pleased, to
make common cause with the people. An¬
other illusion was supported by the fact that
electoral rights were limited to the few and
were insignificant, that is, that the people
could not act radically in government except
through revolutions, as in despotic times.
It arose also from the fact that the militia,
almost everywhere, was still taken by con¬
scription, that is, by military slavery, in
homage to the principles of a nominal dem¬
ocracy which, as a matter of form, demanded
equal rights for everybody, but in fact pro¬
duced equal duties for everyone to die for the
Fatherland, if unable to hide therefrom.

And as a consequence of these causes
and reasons for militarism, the militia, as in
the times of despotic Kingdoms and Em¬
pires, continued to be the arbiter of govern¬
ment, therefore — when praised by some it
was hated by others — and vice versa, when
praised by one party was hated by another.

Nationalisms.

Arose, because of noisy nationalists
who took to enlarging on the subject of
the Nation, nationality and nationalism
with a miserable lack of conscience and
by means of agitations. There were those
who said that language should be taken
as basis of nationality; not reflecting that
languages are formed and transformed, nor
that, with such criteria, many Nations
would have to be suppressed and incorporat¬
ed in others speaking the same language,
while certain Nations of polyglot character
would have to be cut up and divided among
the larger ones which spoke their respective
tongues. There were those who said that
mountains and seas should mark the national
boundaries of the several Nations; and did
not reflect that whistling stearn engines
mock at mountains and seas, nor that, with
such criteria, it would be impossible to be¬
lieve Nations to have been variously formed
here and there through royal conquests and
migratory conjunctions. It would be nec¬
essary upon such criteria to suppose them
to have been created by God, upon the out¬

line of mountains and seas, as varied as they
appear today. There were those who said
that the ethnical, namely, race characteris¬
tics of the inhabitants of the several places,
should serve as the basis for recognising the
various nationalities; and did not reflect that
the people of a Nation inhabiting any given
place have impressed upon their faces the
mixed characteristics of all the races that
through centuries have lived there. There
were those who brought forward the ar¬
gument of religion, as the basis for nation¬
ality, not reflecting that, with such criteria,
those Nations in which there is a mixture of
beliefs, would have to be suppressed or dis¬
persed, or else that those national sections
having a different religious faith from the
larger part of their Nation would have to be
detached and appointed to other Nations.
There were those who found the criterion of
nationality in the boundaries for military de¬
fence, forgetting that boundaries for mili¬
tary defence have a double value and con¬
venience. There were those who cried at
the top of their voice that the criterion of
nationality must be the will of the people,
and did not consider the various irreconcil¬
able wills of the component parts of a people,
did not reflect, in fact, that, as an individual
in order to be born needs other individuals
to give him birth, so a Nation, in order to
exist, demands that the collectivity of other
already existing Nations shall permit it to
be. Such people did not reflect that the new
nationality of a people may, in the present
persistent state of anarchy among independ¬
ent nationalities, constitute a grave danger
for another people.

There were those, in short, who, lack¬
ing conscience in discussing the question of
nationality and Nations, theorised and philos¬
ophised about anthropology, ethnography,
historical sociology, somatologlcal character¬
istics (cranium, nose, skin, eyes, hair), phys¬
ical characteristics (intellect, sentiment,
language, religion), natural characteristics
(mountains and seas), military defence, pop¬
ular will, brotherly ties, and in this way,
because of their lack of positive elementary
knowledge of the essence of the State, sepa-

A WORLD CENTRE

rated the conception of State from that of
Nation. This they did instead of making a
clear distinction and concretising the real
transition from the Kingdom State to the
Nation by rendering the empirical National
Constitutions scientific. They united the
conception of Nation to that of militarism;
confused it with wars of patriotic aggran¬
disement which had always existed; made
the Nation derive from the King; even in¬
tegrated it outright with monarchism, which
is a survival of despotism and subjection,
that is to say, the negation of nationalism in
a true sense; briefly, turned the Chaotic
Period towards becoming a political farce.

Diplomacy.

The old practice of war had created the
function of ambassadors for treating of the
question of peace. In the meantime, the
octopus of bureaucracy had been growing.
From the unnatural union of diplomacy with
the octopus of bureaucracy only an ugly
thing could be born, the go-between. Dip¬
lomacy was created for these objects :

1) with the apparent task of — taking
care of the good relations of the State with
other States — protecting subjects outside
the dominions of their own State — treating
the eventual question of peace;

2) with the actual task of — securing
commercial advantages abroad — imposing
taxes upon subjects of their State abroad, for
every service they might need — weaving
war plots against other States.

Embassy offices therefore in reality
were, mediation and brokerage agencies for
commercial monopolies, spying and corrup¬
tion agencies for war alliances and machina¬
tions, matrimonial agencies for the sons or
daughters of the King or Emperor with the
sons or daughters of another King or Em¬
peror, whose relationship was thought most
useful for monopolistic and warlike ends but,
above all, monarchical agencies for reciprocal
support and for the repression of democratic
constitutionalism. Nothing therefore re¬

mained of the primitive function of the am¬
bassador. The perverse evolution had been
complete.

Public Debt.

With war pretexts especially, the Public
Debt was invented, consisting in the follow¬
ing delight.

Governors and their followers, in the
name of the State and for the greatness of
the Fatherland, borrowed money — with
bills of exchange that fell due upon descend¬
ants — and enjoyed it.

The descendants, seeing the liability of
these bills of exchange falling upon them
from their glorious ancestors, could have rid
themselves of them either by not recognis¬
ing them as valid, or by insisting that they
should be paid by the rich heirs of the an¬
cestors who signed them, or by the heirs of
those people who indolently and too care¬
lessly allowed them to be signed. But this
would have entailed throwing the respon¬
sibility for them upon those who almost all,
at the time, were in actual government.
What, therefore, did these not less glorious
descendants in government think of doing?
I11 the name of the State and for the Father¬
land’s greatness, they borrowed more money
- with bills of exchange falling due upon
later descendants — and enjoyed it.

Thus the Public Debt increased, as did
likewise the Fatherland’s greatness.

Colonial Wars.

The necessity for wars of patriotic ag¬
grandisement continued to exist. It was
really produced by the lasting sore of inter¬
national anarchy and by the need of carrying
on such wars in order, as we know, to — in¬
vade neighbouring States — suppress their
dangerous independence — extend bounda¬
ries — have a greater.field of riches to ap¬
propriate or produce through the amplified
boundaries and outlets — provide an outlet
for the increasing number of inhabitants —

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

placate internal aspirants to government,
now consisting principally of militarists and
nationalists, by turning them towards con¬
quests and foreign domination — find abroad
other men and women to subjugate, to ex¬
ploit as labourers, as soldiers or as con¬
sumers of produce — be able, by these means,
with these increased forces, to live better
and more securely in the face of conquering
invasions from other States. And this ne¬
cessity for wars for patriotic aggrandisement
continued to exist to the supreme satisfac¬
tion and advantage of the nobles, of the more
practically democratic burghers and even of
many of the populace, who were thereby
able to satisfy their ambitions for profit and
domination.

But while the necessity of wars for pa¬
triotic aggrandisement thus lasted, the com¬
monplaces of democracy also remained, and
wars had to be waged with a respect for
democratic sensibility.

This demanded that there should be no
wars of patriotic aggrandisement for con¬
quest. So wars of patriotic aggrandisement
were carried on for colonisation. Imperial
domination was as eager for conquest as be¬
fore ; the means of military violence employ¬
ed in it were as ferocious, cruel, frightful and
altogether worse than before; the slavery
which derived from these newer wars was
substantially the same as the old, but it was
agreed upon that such conquering domina¬
tion did not exist because it was now called
colonial expansion. The fiction, briefly, ’
consisted in fostering the belief that this or
that State was subjugated for no other reason
than of conferring upon it the benefits of
civilisation, as if, in order to confer such
benefits, it were necessary besides violating
the State in question also to exploit it, as if
civilising, like any other real benefit, could
not be carried on with losses instead of with
profits, as If colonists were really so stupid
as not to understand that the good father
dominates over his children during their in¬
fancy not to exploit and profit by them, but
to educate and make sacrifices for them.
Nevertheless, democracy was content with

a respect for mere phraseology, and of this
there was plenty. Colonial conquests mul¬
tiplying themselves, produced as of old the
imperial greatness of the Nation that carri¬
ed them on, with this result, however, that
formerly conquests were made by the King¬
dom with sincere ferocity, whereas now they
were made with equal ferocity but with add¬
ed hypocrisy.

Certainly colonial conquests were un¬
dertaken for these admirable reasons : be¬
cause a given State had to be conquered,
dominated and made a colony of inasmuch
as it did not have the degrees of civilisation
necessary for making rules for prostitution
and properly exercising its independence,
w T hich is to say, was not itself capable of
making civilising colonial conquests — be¬
cause the colonised State needed the civilis¬
ing protectorate of the colonising Nation,
which exhausted itself in conceding it, so
much so as to become not only the mother
but also the father of the colony, thus Moth¬
er-Fatherland — because this State was to
receive with gratitude such a protectorate
wfith imperial militia also sent to make it
evident — because also such militia came in
order to save the colony the expense and
trouble of keeping its own militia for its own
security. Furthermore, the Mother-Fath¬
erland was anxious to facilitate the progress
of theyolonial State and to help it to become
capable of governing itself; though it was
unable to hasten this consummation too
much, being obliged to respect the sen¬
timents, morals, traditions, superstitions,
hierarchies and vices of the heads of the col¬
ony and their associates. It was obliged to
respect all these forces in homage to liberty,
even should such respect cause the colonists’
lack of civilisation to endure for ever, or
postpone to a remote future the advent of
their civilisation, their independence, and
the end of the protectorate. Another reason
for imperial tutelage was to be found in the
fact that the State, with faith in its future
and lovingly cared for by the Mother-Fath¬
erland, should remain quiet as a colony and
not lend ear to other nations which, through
imperial jealousy, might stir it up for the

A WORLD CENTRE

purpose of alienating it from its obedience
and inducing it to revolutionary movements.
Another excuse for the protraction of im¬
perial domination arose from the desire of
imperial merchants and business men that
the colony should buy the industrial products
it needed from the Mother-Fatherland and
should sell through the same, which would
thus hold a monopoly there, not of course for
the sake of enriching its dominating classes
at the expense of the colonists, but for the
sake of the civilising tenderness of the dom¬
inating classes towards the colonists and for
patriotic aggrandisement. It is well too
that those starving in the Mother-Father¬
land should have the opportunity of emigrat¬
ing to the colony, that is, competing in work
with the natives of the colony, who, because
of this competition, are constrained to worse
pay and harder work, but are proud of such
constraint since it is to the advantage of their
countrymen from the Mother-Fatherland,
namely, to the advantage of their civilisers.
Moreover, the capital of the burgher class
could find investment in the colony through
the establishment of industries to exploit the
wealth lying there and the advantage of cheap
labour, not of course for the sake of greater
exploitation, but for the purpose of develop¬
ing the colony. And finally, it is a good
thing that the colony, because of this protec¬
torate and civilising service rendered to it by
the Mother-Fatherland, should not be sub¬
mitted to taxes, but should for its own pleas¬
ure pour into the coffers of the imperial
Capital, with a spontaneity induced by the
governor and the patriotic militia, an annual
tribute, convertible into beautiful coins bear¬
ing the impress of the Emperor’s head.
Nor is it a less desirable thing that the colony
in the case of the Mother-Fatherland’s going
to war, should send, with a spontaneity also
assisted by the governor, soldiers ready to
fight and die for the safety and greatness of
the Empire.

The Press.

Together with the very great develop¬
ment of industries and banks there came a-
bout that of the press, and journalism was

born, with very different aims from those of
furthering civilisation, for which it was poet¬
ically said to exist.

Poems upon the beneficent influence of
the press, like all poems, contained a very
small part of truth. The press, taken as a
whole, was the printed paper industry, which
was developed chiefly through newspapers
and afforded both open and secret profits.
The open profits were those afforded by the
moral bent to which the readers’ minds were
subjected and the determination of their con¬
sequent way of thinking and acting accord¬
ing to the political ambitions of those inter¬
ested in this industry, whether as capitalists,
as writers or as government leaders or fol¬
lowers. The press was, briefly, nutritious
food for brains, but often poisonous. So
that newspapers were like mushrooms. The
smaller, created with scanty means, were less
meaty but also probably less poisonous. The
larger ones, founded with great resources,
were more meaty but also probably more
poisonous. There certainly was a beneficent
press, but it was carried on under difficulties
that made it exiguous and not very sturdy.
The fat and powerful press was the more or
less evil press — the press which, in order
better to succeed in its secret poisonous aims,
was rich in news, in articles, in pages that
had nothing to do with these aims, but that,
adding to its attractiveness, helped to make
it more widespread and authoritative.

Those who each morning asked pant-
ingly for their newspaper, had they known
the greater or less deception with which
every line, not of story only but of politics,
was made up, had they known the price ask¬
ed and payed for the deceit in each of these
lines, would have dropped the paper like a
brain poison, would have preferred to know
nothing of it and its news. Fortunately, the
people were what they were, and the news¬
papers, together with a great deal of harm,
did some good. School teachings were still
so false, and most people’s heads were still
so empty, that, had not the newspaper come
to their rescue, they would not have known
what to say all day and would have felt hu-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

miliated. This was especially true of the
newspapers with most means, of those that
were fullest of news, of articles, and of pages
and of those with the largest circulations.
We all know those people so eager for the
newspaper. They open their eyes in the
morning with their minds like a cloud and
their tongues as if paralyzed. They ask for
the newspaper and drink it in, and their
minds become coloured, and their tongues
begin to go like so many little motors. In
cafes, in streets, in offices, in restaurants, in
private houses, in theatres, they go talking
knowingly about everything, about politics,
about art, science and the news of the day.
They go about as if under the necessity of
ejecting what they swallowed in the morn¬
ing. They only stop when, late in the even¬
ing, they have nothing more to eject. Then
they fall asleep and are at peace. And final¬
ly permit others to be at peace too. But on
the morrow, they awaken again, with their
minds again like clouds, and their tongues as
if paralysed. They ask for the newspaper,
drink it in and begin the process again. And
with this swallowing down and throwing up
they have no time to think <— they even say
they have no time to stop and think. And
in this miserable way of living, according to
the interests they find promoted by the
poison they have imbibed, they fight with
those who, having opposite interests have
preferred to drink the poison of a different
paper. They fight, grow heated, insult one
another, become agitated and ruin one an¬
other. And according to which section pre¬
vails, is formed the public opinion necessary
to the printed paper traders. These persons,
together with the government ministers, and
in telephonic communication with the sov¬
ereigns, from their windows assist at this
confusion, proud of having produced it and
of having formed public opinion, happy at
being able by means of this opinion to reach
their longed for aims thereby helping the
paper trade.

Now — taking account of these facts,
and putting them into relation first with the
idiocies and falsity of which political opinion
is made up in the Chaotic Period, and second¬

ly with our axiom which says : much speak¬
ing and writing are a sign that the speaker
does not know what he is talking about, or
desires the opposite of what is to be believed
— we can imagine what fireworks of polem¬
ical journalism were necessarily showered
every day upon every political argument, and
how much the press, and journalism in par¬
ticular, necessarily aggravated the Chaotic
Period.

It must remain the work of advancing
civilisation and humanistic effort to purify
the press which is so powerful an organ of
modern life. What is needed is to secure
the advantage of the news publicity afforded
by the press without the fatal hypnosis so
often exercised for evil which, in the hands
of unscrupulous men it can exert on a public
that is only half educated. A powerful
means for this purification would be the es¬
tablishment of a Central Press Bureau in the
heart of a World Centre of Communication,
where the authenticity of information could
be guarded by authoritative representatives
of all the nations, and the enormous power
of the press be used for the good of mankind
and for that purpose only, not to assist the
secret political or economic activities of some
one man or clique.

Political Responsibility.

There was no great or small branch of
government into which despotic royal in¬
fluence did not seek to introduce itself,
subtly and corruptingly. Not even the of¬
fices of the Commons succeeded in remain¬
ing immune from the pervasive Kwal in¬
fluence. Imagine then how it was with the
high organs of State !

Proposals of laws were opportunities for
tricks on the part of ministers and bureau¬
crats who, in the old despotic way, if they
knew them to be displeasing to His Majesty,
allowed them to remain unenacted, while if
they knew them to be pleasing to His Majes¬
ty, had them passed at once, aware that they
could thus last but little and cause more dis¬
turbance than order, besides turning the

A WORLD CENTRE

legislators into, not makers, but dusters of
the law.

Similarly the application of laws was
often unjust because of royal influence, and
especially so were interpretations of laws by
judges, who thereby became irresponsible
usurpers of the thought and power of legis¬
lators, in the name of His Majesty, by whom
they were nominated and in whom, according
to the old despotic conception, resided the
highest judicial wisdom.

And therefore liberty of thought, speech
and of the press, the liberty of meeting
and associating, which in other branches of
science was broadly protected, in the field
of politics and all that concerned monar¬
chical despotism, underwent continual jud¬
iciary castration. And therefore the insti¬
tution of the idiotic and incompetent jury
was preserved as security against possibly
greater evils of injustice.

And in the meantime, the responsibility
of government — which in the despotic sys¬
tem was real, because it was liable to be
subjected to the swift justice of regicides —
in the falsely constitutional system, belong¬
ed neither to the King, presumed to be ir¬
responsible, nor to the ministers. It did not
belong to the ministers who hid themselves
behind superior councils, namely, behind
bodies whose joint irresponsibility covered
that of the minister who inspired their de¬
cisions. It did not belong to the ministers
who were ready to eclipse themselves at crit¬
ical moments, by bravely tendering their
resignation and taking a little trip abroad —
resignations and trips favoured by the suc¬
ceeding ministers, with indulgence for the
faults committed. Briefly, responsibility
was nobody’s. The High Court of Justice,
for the judgment and condemnation of re¬
sponsible ministers, was a mockery. More¬
over, as an advantage, there was this, that
the promised reforms and the ambitious plots
of the aspirants to government — which in
despotism occurred fib mu Hi frequent and
bloody revolutions — D false constitution¬
alism occurred even ere frequently but

bloodlesslv; occurred with cheerful falls and
rises of ministries : occurred with the fall of
ministers satisfied with having for a time
luxuriated in government and delighted to
be able to return, after a little rest and
amusement, with new promises of reform
and new plots, and to become again the
right hand of the King.

The Democratic Republic.

Especial royal consideration was shown
to the noble class, with the recondite aim of
separating it from the burgher class, of aid¬
ing, through it, the return of government to
absolute royal power, of lessening that of the
burghers and of avoiding that ultra-demo¬
cratic power for which the burghers were
shouting in order to maintain themselves.
This they sought with threats of extending
electoral rights and of bringing a greater
number of ultra-democrats, namely of people
hostile to royal power, into the Chamber of
Deputies.

But these threats mattered little. Roy¬
al intrigues and intermarriages persisted.
Then the burghers, losing patience, depart¬
ed from their attitude of base acquiescence.
Fearing for their own domination, though
declaring that they feared a new slavery
planned against the people, they again de¬
manded and again obtained, as in the past,
the support of the popular forces, and with
a revolutionary movement, i. e., a Coup
d J Eiat, dismissed the King and the hered¬
itary Chamber of nobles.

With another fundamental constitution¬
al law, they then instituted the Democratic
Republic — a Republic different from the
imperial one of bad despotic memory, but
also different from the puritan one of e-
phemeral equalitarian memory. A Republic,
however, which had to conform to the equal¬
itarian democratic phraseology by which it
had triumphed. And it did so by synthe¬
sizing its programme in the three words Lib¬
erty, Equality, Fraternity — three words
that remained mere words and left its pro¬
gramme an assemblage of words. Briefly,

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

they instituted a Republic which altered the
overthrown monarchical constitutional gov¬
ernment, not by a radical representative sys¬
tem — owing to the lack of positive ideas
then inconceivable — but by a much mitigat¬
ed despotism, still without general elector¬
al rights, but pruned of divine right and
of the consequent despotic hereditary priv¬
ileges. The two legislative Chambers were
retained excepting that they were both made
elective, so as not to change the .slow habits
of government and to give the rich a still
greater field of vain and childish partici¬
pation in government. An elective President
was put in the place of the King. Ministries
continued to rise and fall. National inde¬
pendence was still fatuously exalted, since
it profited, no longer the King, but as much
and even more than before the burgher class.
Imperial colonial conquests continued with
democratic modesty, that is to say, without
adding imperial adjectives to the label of
Democratic Republic. Briefly, the burgh¬
ers continued to hold the domination of
government in their hands and to enrich
themselves by exploitation. And since the
Fatherland continued to be only a little less
rotten than before, the popular class continu¬
ed to be only a little less at the mercy of
misery and charity, of prostitution and crime.
But it had now the pleasure of reading at
ever}^ street corner the three words, Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity.

In one thing, however, the popular class
really received a decided advantage, namely,
in freedom of speech and of the press and
in liberty of meeting and association. The
Democratic Republic, created chiefly by
democratic phraseology, could deal with
everything except the liquidation of mon¬
archical privileges and the abolition of the
prohibitions of speech, of press and of associ¬
ation by which monarchical privileges had
been preserved and against which the demo¬
cratic revolution had cried loudest. And
such liberality in the freedom of speech, of
press and of association — opening ever
wider the popular mind, not only in the
Democratic Republic, but also, by its in¬
fluence, in the Kingdoms which because of

their vicinity or interests had most relations
with it —> produced an immense civilising
progress. It gave the populace the possibil¬
ity of acquiring consciousness of its own
strength and the desire to attain to power in
government, that is to say, to take the place
which the burgher class had taken from the
nobles and thus complete the natural cycle
of dominations.

Alternating Republics and Empires.

The first to take advantage of the ample
republican liberty of speech and of the press,
of meeting and associating were those who
had done most to hinder it — the ex-King,
the ex-nobles and their accomplices, they
being the most used to and able to use it.
In the obscurity into which they had fallen,
they found it convenient for working upon
the people. The Democratic Republic had
been unable to end misery, since this was
the result of the exploiting system which had
remained unaltered, being the vital basis of
the burgher system. It had only been able
to diminish it slightly, by the liberality of
the concessions made. Similarly the Demo¬
cratic Republic had been unable immediate¬
ly to give full consciousness to the popular
class. It had only been able to increase this
slightly by the liberality of the concessions
made.

Therefore, it should have been easy for
the ex-King, the ex-nobles and their accom¬
plices, using the liberty of speech, of the
press and of association allowed by the re¬
publican government, to incite the people
and make it believe that, with the return of
royal magnificence, its misery and uncon¬
sciousness would cease and that the felicity
of the people, which the younger members
among the populace had never seen but
might very well imagine was about to arrive,
would return.

And by such machinations the ex-King,
the ex-nobles and their accomplices some¬
times did succeed in overthrowing the Dem¬
ocratic Republic by a royal revolutionary
counter-movement, that is, by a counter

A WORLD CENTRE

Coup d'Etat, and in restoring the Imperial
Kingdom, that had first been absolutely des¬
potic, then newly constitutional, with two
Chambers, the one elective, the other hered¬
itary or for life, and with the suppression
of liberty of speech, of the press and of as¬
sociating. Even if successful, however, it
was not long before the new Imperial Em¬
pire was overthrown by a new Democratic
Republic, which arose by the same means
as the preceding one and with renewed am¬
ple liberty of speech, of the press, of meet¬
ing and association. An ample liberty which
— as the popular mind continued to expand,
not only in the Democratic Republic, but
also, in the Kingdoms that because of their
vicinity or interests had most relations with
it, — produced a consequent immense prog¬
ress in the popular class. This class, more¬
over, acquired consciousness of its own
strength and the desire to attain to the
domination of government, that is to say,
to take the place which the burghers had
retaken from the nobles.

Anarchism.

By this time not only ex-Kings, ex¬
nobles and their accomplices knew how to
use liberty of speech, of the press, of meet¬
ing and association but so did also many of
the people. These, however, lacked posi¬
tive ideas of government, having, in a more
or less puritan way, learned democratic com¬
monplaces and their connected aberrations
regarding independence and liberty, equality
and fraternity. Therefore it was natural
that they should use phraseology with all
possible liberality in order to unmask the in¬
cessant plottings of the ex-King and ex¬
nobles, to denounce the hypocritical burgher
exploitations, to show that in the depositions
and restorations of the King, in the rises
and falls of constitutional ministries, in the
Coups d'Etat accomplished, the same now
monarchical now republican trickeries, for¬
ever the same iniquities and injustices of
government, were always revealed. And it
was also natural that such free and atrocious
accusations, reaching the most impression¬
able and impulsive minds among the people,

should have caused the first aberrated and
desperate anarchical cry to break from their
lips spontaneously and excusably — the first
aberrated and desperate anarchical outburst,
made up of imprecations against every gov¬
ernment and against the institution of gov¬
ernment itself. A first anarchical outburst
that we can imagine to have been as follows :

Down with everything and everybody!
It is time to end government! Absolute Mon¬
archy, Constitutional Monarchy, Democratic
Republic, are all one — they are organi¬
sations of a few for greater or less exploit¬
ation of all the rest.

This shame must not last. Down with
privileged nobles, but down also with burgh¬
er capitalists ! Since all have used and use
the institution of government to usurp the
wealth proceeding from our labour, from the
blood of us poor exploited. Down especially
with the burghers, who in despoiling us are
worse than the nobles because of the decep¬
tion of their false popular garment, of their
false phrases about, fraternity! Down espe¬
cially with property, which is robbery!

Every rich man is a despoiler of the
people or the son and heir of despoilers of
the people. To this dilemma there is no so¬
lution. An individual’s wealth is impossible
without present or past exploitation and em-
poverishment of several individuals — with¬
out violent or astute graft by one individual
on the wealth produced by several indi¬
viduals.

But that miserable people should be
compelled to enroll themselves into a police,
in order to protect the rich and permit their
enjoying the wealth thus grabbed, is too
much. Therefore we appeal to soldiers, our
true brothers.

Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, these
words that till now were republican lies,
must now finally be made true.

The Earth must belong to all, namely
be nobody's property. All men must have

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

the right to work it in common and get from
it the means of livelihood : must have the
right to live, and have it not as a concession
but as a natural belonging.

The precepts of entire liberty and in¬
dependence, which till now were dear to
Kingdoms, Empires and Nations, must now
be dear to every individual, since every
individual must be entirely free and inde¬
pendent.

No government, no law must hinder
free individual energy, under the pretext of
directing and aiding it.

To attain the true liberty and independ¬
ence of individuals, which must precede the
liberty and independence of Nations, there
must be a final revolution. Every govern¬
ment must be overthrown.

When all have thus become individually
free, without oppression of government, of
law, of police, property, which is robbery,
will be abolished, and people will live in com¬
munism. Everybody will work freely at
what he wishes to, everyone will behave as
brother to his like, will take for himself what
he needs from the wealth the community will
have produced.

Thus at last, long live human brother¬
hood ! Long live the Commune !

This was the aberrated and desperate
anarchical outburst, that rose from the lips
of excusable and impulsive people, and
should have been lost in space, like so many
other incoherent cries of pain. But it was
seized upon as an excellent point by poets
and political windbags, delighted to be able
to use this cry as a valuable philosophical
and State axiom in order themselves to be¬
come either choristers or theorists of anarchy.
And after having for some time with im¬
punity advised isolated anarchical strokes —
which almost always fell upon the least guil¬
ty and least responsible ruler, because he
was generally most in view — finally with
impunity persuaded revolutionists to com¬

munistic movements. Movements which,
unfortunately, desired by the mass of miser¬
able people and financially aided by those
interested in discrediting republican insti¬
tutions, rarely survived their inception.
They were often ended by the prayers of the
same deluded mass which had desired them.
They came to an end and led back, if not to
a new Kingdom, then to a new Democratic
Republic. They ceased ignominiously and
suddenly, so great was the people’s horror of
destruction and disorder, of trickery and in¬
iquity, of quarrelling and violence whereof,
in practice, anarchism and communism were
shown to be the promoters. These doctrin¬
es, in fact but reproduced the original non-
State of anarchical barbarism from which
men had felt the need of advancing, when
they passed into the primitive State of Tribe.

Socialism.

The Democratic Republic was all that
could be achieved for human civilisation as
long as the baneful power of the King con¬
tinued to corrupt and pervert National Con¬
stitutions. And by finally establishing it,
the burgher class achieved a double sal¬
vation. Certainly it chiefly ensured its own
governmental domination, incessantly nib¬
bled at by the ex-King and ex-nobles; but it
also ensured the .successive and final right
to government domination on the part of the
popular class, which would never have been
able to approach and attain it, without the
burghers’ Intermediate domination and with¬
out the force of the burghers’ ammassed
wealth, only by means of which was there
the possibility of facing and dominating the
force of royal despotism.

The full liberty of speech, of the press
and of association, that, derived from the
Democratic Republic, spread to surviving
adjacent Kingdoms and Empires, caused the
outbreak of anarchical aberrations and de¬
structions, but disclosed the fact that it was
neither the Republic, nor full liberty of
speech, of the press and of association which
produced these aberrations and destructions.
It showed that all these things were the ul-

A WORLD CENTRE

timate consequences of the same three pu¬
ritan and heretical, independent and equal-
itarian affirmations;

1) from which democracy was born
and which democracy used as an ineffective
resistance to the rascalities of autocracy
practiced upon it;

2) to which the popular class could
but continue to be partly subject, and be¬
cause of which this same popular class could
reach government domination but the more
slowly.

In fact, anarchical horrors had succeed¬
ed in making clear to the popular mind the
truth concerning the barbarism of individual
independence and the necessity of a govern¬
ment which, organising individual forces,
should give every member of the nation a
means of working as associate in a common
enterprise — the enterprise of human life.
A social enterprise in which the work of the
statesman and that of the policeman, the
work of the scientist and that of the boot-
black, the work of the cook and that of the
man or woman who cleans out the closets,
are necessary. But these same anarchical
horrors had not succeeded in also making
clear to the popular mind the truth concern¬
ing the barbarism of national independences
and the absurdity of individual equality,
leading consequently to talk about national
equality.

Therefore, the conception of the govern¬
ment organisation of work had;

1) degenerated from its inception into
the absurdity that each individual in ex¬
change for his work, which should be given
under unknown rules and be considered
equal to that of any other, should have the
right to take according to his needs from the
mass of wealth produced by the associated
work; as if being member of an enterprise
absolutely implied that all had equal rights
and duties in it; as if there were no examples
of flourishing companies with rights propor¬
tioned to the varying means of the members,

namely, to the varying forces brought by
them;

2) produced the absurd' assumption
that every Nation must have equal rights,
whether it was composed of honest and
earnest workers or of dishonest and lazy
ne’er do weels, and consequently caused the
conception of an academical internationalism
which received support from the fact that
there were more States organised in King¬
doms than in Republics.

From anarchical aberration the popular
class then passed to social fancies. Its pol¬
icy took the name of equalitarian socialism,
to distinguish it from anarchical commun¬
ism. And the equalitarian inconsistencies
with which this policy was teeming, ag¬
gravated by empty and persistent demo¬
cratic phraseology, certainly retarded the
popular classes’ practical capacity for winn¬
ing government domination.

But the delay would not have lasted long
if popular good sense, from its experience of
facts, had had a chance of manifesting itself,
of doing away with equalitarian inconsisten¬
cies and of eliminating social fancies.

Socialism, however, thus primitively and
vaguely conceived, could but meet the same
fate as that which imperils the advent of all
new ideas, the fate that also destroyed the
anarchical outburst. Just as this latter doc¬
trine was seized upon as a magnificent open¬
ing by those poets or political windbags who
were delighted to be able to use it and pose
as choristers or theorists of anarchy, so the
primitive and vague conception of equal¬
itarian socialism was also seized upon as a
magnificent opportunity by a few ingenuous
poets and windbags who became theorists of
equalitarian socialism, but was especially
seized upon as a convenient chance by shrewd
people who found equalitarian socialism, un¬
like anarchical communism, useful as the
motive force of a political party of which they
might become leaders. And, in fact, they
became politicians of equalitarian socialism,
that is to say, obstructors rather than pro-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

moters of the right conception of socialism
and of the attainment of government domi¬
nation by the popular class.

By their fault, socialism became neither
passionate nor truly scientific — it became
coldly academic, a doctrinary overcoat.

Socialist leaders — with most noble ex¬
ceptions — in order not to incur the discom¬
forts and dangers of acting seriously, in or¬
der not to give up any of their superfluous
aristocratic or burgher comforts or forego any
of their ambitions — permissible in other
parties with egotistic interests, but not per¬
missible in the socialistic party which pro¬
fesses altruism — in order to rise and come
to the front, began to theorise minutely upon
economic facts and to talk about reform or
revolutionary tactics and tendencies. This
thev did, blind to the fact that it is wiser to
make reforms and to postpone calling oneself
socialist until the reforms have made social¬
ism possible, that it is better in carrying on
revolutions to plot, to take arms and to bring
them into effect, than to content oneself with
the title of revolutionist.

The masses which should have been a-
roused by the example of lives of genuine
abnegation, which should have been drawn
together by concepts of a true and indisput¬
able new Science of Government, which
should have been clearly convinced of the
new social order, stood for a time listening
to criticism of the present capitalistic societjq
to statistics of economic facts and to doctrin¬
ary polemics against tactics and tendencies.
Then, seeing that socialism consisted in no
more than this, and having perceived how
their leaders strayed now into invidious in¬
coherences, novo into disconcerting contra¬
dictions, and were only constant to the prin¬
ciple that life is sacred in proportion as it is
comfortable — thought it better to attend to
their own business and, for the most part, oc¬
cupied themselves in trying to make their
own lives also comfortable.

In order to arouse the masses by the ex¬
ample of lives of true abnegation, socialist

leaders ought not to have inscribed their
names in the socialist party merely to have
easier access to the electoral masses and the
opportunity of becoming representatives,
without waiting their turn and without over¬
coming the inevitable difficulties of rank in
the other parties. Neither ought they in
good faith to have proposed to adapt them¬
selves to the surroundings and little by little
to rid themselves of selfish instincts, for it
was to be presumed that they would on one
occasion or another give evidence of frailty.
They should, before proposing themselves
as leaders and guides, have looked in the
looking-glass, examined themselves, seen
themselves to be by nature without selfish
instincts and consequently superior to envy
and vanity; able, if rich, not to reduce them¬
selves to poverty and helplessness, but to
give away their superfluous income; able,
briefly, to afford on every occasion, whether
moral or material, real and attractive exam¬
ples of a self-denying life; examples that they
could give morally by not transmitting su¬
perfluous wealth to their heirs.

In order to gather together the masses,
through concepts of a true and indisputable
new Science of Government, socialist leaders
should, if without selfish instincts, have no
regard for self-love nor attachment to ideas
formerly professed. They should under¬
stand t^hat capitalism is part of the old gov¬
ernment edifice to be torn down and recon¬
structed, and, in particular, the economic
part behind it. They should understand that
the front part, which it is most important to
destroy and reconstruct, is the political one.
They should, before all else, be anxious to
pull down and rebuild that part of the old
government edifice where there are to be
found the libraries of erroneous books about
autocracy and democracy, which they studi¬
ed in their youth and which remain impress¬
ed upon their minds, hindering them from,
drawing a clear outline of the new social
order, producing their aberrations of tactics
and tendencies — where these were not due
to invidious lusts after power and cunning
attempts to avoid the hardships of genuine
labour. They should, briefly, have given a

A WORLD CENTRE

positive political basis to their socialistic
party as to all other parties, and then, upon
this real, common basis of government, upon
positive foundations of the science of govern¬
ment, have led up to the concepts of their
new social order. Which is as to say that
they should have distinguished between party
principles and principles of government and
have cooperated in creating the latter such
as to be common to all parties, and then have
advanced to the creation of serious principles
for their own socialistic party, thus supply¬
ing a reason for undertaking a serious prop¬
aganda. By doing so they would have reach¬
ed the positive foundations of government
and positive inferences, with which we here
conclude. They would have touched the two
State sores and have perceived that the word
socialism was vain without their cure, with¬
out the suppression of the barbarism of anar¬
chy abroad and of arbitrary despotism in the
interior. They would have ceased to prom¬
ise a state of pacifistic social equality, which
is an absurdity in the midst of this universe
whose fundamental law is not identity, but
the greatest possible variety of forms and of
values, resulting from struggle.

To convince the masses of the new social
order by clear lines, the socialist leaders sho¬
uld not have said that it was anti-scientifie
to draw them, because in time and through
adaptations the lines would reveal them¬
selves, as an easy way of avoiding a hard task
and of excusing their own powerlessness.
They should, upon the basis of these positive
foundations of the science of government,
have prepared to codify the whole system
of laws with which socialism, if it is to be,
will have to begin to function as soon as it
has become governmental authority. They
should have attended to this arduous prepa¬
ration, so different from the eternal criticisms
of present day society, made in amusing and
profitable articles written in winter time at
the warmth of the hearth, in summer time in
the coolness of the mountains. They should
have done this also in order to avoid those
great confusions of life which are customary
in the passing from one form of government
to another, and which may well be imagined

as frightful on the occasion of the passing
of the very essence of government, such as
the change to socialism requires, which chan¬
ges are to be held as causes of the restive or
diffident adherence given it. Because, ex¬
cept for the legislative changes suggested by
experience, everybody must know concretely
where socialism leads, so that;

1) those who already believe in it,
knowing the concrete order arranged for,
may feel more convinced and eager to reach
it, or understand by the impracticability of
this order that socialism is a chimera un¬
worthy of deviating so many mental activ¬
ities from the precious cooperation that can
be brought by government reforms;

2) those who do not believe in it,
namely, the majority without whom socialism
will remain a meaningless sensation exploit¬
ed by the shrewd, understanding the con¬
crete order arranged for, may believe in it
and want to reach it without fear of losing a
certainty, even though a wretched one, for
a problematically florid uncertainty, without
fear that, after socialism has been proclaim¬
ed, life will be ordered for the advantage of
the bosses instead of for everybody’s ad¬
vantage.

And as if so many defects were few, the
socialist leaders — insensible to humanity’s
need of religion and incapable of conceiving
even the shadow of a new religious faith —
added that of mockery of the masses’ old
religious faith. Because the doctrine of the
categorical imperative of economic facts and
historical materialism prescribed the useless¬
ness of religions, even at the cost of alienat¬
ing the masses and in spite of the fact that
the democratic principles of liberty, equality
and fraternity, which equalitarian socialism
was full of, had been derived from the same
religious faith at which they mocked.

All these defects — while they explain
the incapacity of socialist leaders to be men
of government, the bewilderment of their
followers and the lack of success both of so¬
cialism and of popular government — also

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

explain the socialist’s lack of influence upon
the problem of war.

Socialist leaders remained ineffective
regarding the problem of war just because
they lacked positive principles of govern¬
ment and because they were full of phrases
of the old democratic jargon and were, more¬
over, doctrinary. The doctrinaire is, for his
own and others’ misfortune, refractory to
really new and efficient ideas. His mental¬
ity is such that, if a new idea comes to him
from the outside and flashes inward, he can¬
not perceive it sharply and practically. The
old ideas, of which he is learnedly full, pour
like a torrent over the new one, throw it
dowm, mix with it and only let it emerge con¬
fusedly academic. Thus he ends by repeat¬
ing the old phrases and the old political
moves, even when he gives himself an air
of saying new things and acting in a fresh
and radical manner.

Therefore, in touching upon the problem
of war, socialist leaders knew no better than
to make insipid speeches about pacifism,
which we shall understand in the following
paragraph, about disarmament, armed Na¬
tions’, conciliation, arbitration, federation
and the international proletariat. But insipid
talk does not take one far. And the social¬
ist leaders in all nations appeared helpless
on the day when the most horrible of wars,
which was bound to break out, did break out
with a complete disregard of those who for
years had been propagating elevated tho¬
ughts such as these : a We hold the concep¬
tion of war to be a barbarous prejudice, desire
that in all countries, in all States, in all Fath¬
erlands, the conception should propagate it¬
self that controversies between Nation and
Nation can be solved by arbitration, without
recurring to arms, whose decision may give
right to him who is wrong and wrong to him
who is right. As there are tribunals and
judges who pass sentences upon controver¬
sies between private citizens, so we want a
tribunal of the Nations to judge misunder¬
standings between State and State ». Ele¬
vated thoughts, wherein is revealed the ab¬
surdity of the notion that States can regu¬

late their own internal affairs by themselves
by means of struggles for government dom¬
ination producing successive and varied in¬
ternal laws, while they are not supposed to
be able to do as much for their foreign af¬
fairs, preferring that these should be regu¬
lated by the peacemaking arbitrament of
possibly stupid, iniquitous or irresponsible
arbiters. What nebulous ineptitude there
is in the supposition! So long as the bar¬
barous anarchy of national independence
exists, pasted together with scraps of paper
called treaties, so long as the authority of
law above Nations is lacking, wars, with
their connected espionage and treachery, are
the only way in which foreign affairs can be
treated positively. They are the only way
in which he whose value is greatest can make
himself prevail abroad. They are a bad way,
but nevertheless preferable to that decrepit
and corrupt one which we saw was dear to
decadent Empires.

It is small wonder then, though a regret¬
table fact, that socialist groups, through the
fault of these their leaders, should have
remained ignorant or, still worse, phono¬
graphic about the cruel problem of war, and
should have gone on repeating that arbitra¬
tion is the best way to settle conflicts
between States and that the international
proletariat, abolishing capitalism, will a-
bolisl^ conflicts. This was the word of those
of their leaders who were thought to be the
most intellectual. Indeed, if the Interna¬
tional could come about tomorrow with mix¬
ed classes, as they exist in the Nation —
which, by the way, is advantageous to the
popular class, not only because of the liber¬
al and social laws that come from it, but also
because of the parliamentary seats that are
there good and ready for the time when the
proletariat will know how to occupy them
all — the most doctrinary socialist leaders
would oppose it, because the doctrine does
not allow such development of the Interna¬
tional. The doctrine demands that, from
the first day of its inception, the Internation¬
al shall be wholly proletariat, and it does not
matter if it comes about in the year 3000,
when, at this rate, all other classes will per-

A WORLD CENTRE

haps have disappeared. It does not matter
if in the year of its occurrence the represen¬
tatives of the international proletariat do not
even find parliamentary benches to sit upon
and must build them before they can make
their international laws.

It is not a matter for wonder but only
for regret that socialists were unable to
prevent the course of the most horrible of
wars, on the day in which it broke out, large¬
ly through the fault of their leaders who had
been incapable of forestalling it. For their
veto to have been given and have prevailed,
it would at least have been necessary, in ex¬
piation of so many mistakes, that the social¬
ist leaders had been willing to die on that
day in the summary executions to which the
then all-powerful military royal despotism
would have had recourse in order to overcome
them. And this dying in a hurry to prevent
the great war and help the socialist cause
was not in the programme of tactics and
tendencies.

It is not a matter for wonder but only
for regret that the popular class, under the
domination of such socialist leaders was un¬
able to perceive that these were moved by
selfish worries rather than by anxiety about
the welfare of the masses, and were jealous
suppressors of the few really altruistic lead¬
ers among them who palpitated for human
welfare. It is not remarkable that this class
was unable to see that their authority was
based upon a similarity to the authority of
of aristocrats and burghers, was unable to
undertake a rescuing movement, to invite
them not to imitate aristocrats and burghers
who only by death are detached from their
captaincies. Nor could or did the popular
class invite their leaders to resign their office
(perhaps even pensioning them) on the
ground that the socialist party must not be¬
come fossilised behind its old leaders, like all
the other parties, but renew itself with the
new blood of new minds. Instead, it was
petrified under the influence of such leaders,
that is, deprived of the sincere and vibrating
human love which would have been neces¬
sary for its success. And in the meantime,

just as the republican leaders, conscious that
the last of the three famous words written on
every corner was false, had not induced the
members to say Brother A, and Brother B,
as would have been natural and simple on the
basis of the word fraternity, but had taken to
saying Citizen A, and Citizen B — even if
these came from the country — so the social¬
ist leaders, conscious that the advent of so¬
cialism was chimerical under their captaincy,
had not dared to call themselves associates,
nor had they induced the members to say As¬
sociate A, Associate B, as would have been
natural and simple on the basis of the word
socialism, but had taken to calling one anoth¬
er comrade , and to say Comrade A, Com¬
rade B, because they felt that their ties were
in fact invidious and conventional and more
suited indeed for comradeship than for the
conquest of government domination.

Pacifism.

The very necessity of wars for patriotic
aggrandisement, from which was born the
democratic and hypocritical need for imper¬
ial colonies, goaded the Nation which had
remained most attached to royalty and con¬
sequently the most false, i. e. unreal in its
foundations, when its turn came to bid most
eagerly for supreme imperial greatness, to
despise democratic phraseology, to mock at
it, and to prepare itself, at the propitious
moment, for the great blow, with the same
ferocious and frightful means of military
violence that had been used by preceding
Empires in their struggles for imperial
greatness and which were still used by the
various constitutional Nations in their co¬
lonial conquests. The great blow of the
most horrible of wars of conquest, which
was in the order of things and which con¬
stitutional empiricism could not prevent,
contained in itself the accumulated momen-
tums of other such violences. The great
blow, therefore, was aimed for the purpose
of conquest at all the States more or less tak¬
en up with colonial conquests, and with the
intention of growing by the annexation of
both them and their colonies. The great
outrage of trying once and for all, and per-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

liaps successfully, to resurrect the old dream
of Universal Empire, not unnaturally arose
in this Nation most attached to royalty, more
anachronistic in its system of government
and therefore most ambitious to be the State
having supreme imperial domination.

And in the meantime the chaos assum¬
ed astonishingly tragic and comic forms.
Because, while all the States, whether des¬
potic or constitutional, with grim militaristic
pride, contended with one another, opposed
and cheated one another, in order each one
to enlarge its colonial Empire as much as
possible, all, except the one meditating the
great blow, strove to encourage and support
one another against this State, so as to avoid
the blow. But they did not resort to the only
legal way by which it would have been pos¬
sible to succeed, because this, consisting in
the INTERNATIONAL CONSTITUTION, would have
entailed the cessation of anarchical and secret
royal despotism abroad. They resorted to
artful and stupid and hypocritical demands
for pacifism. Which was nonsense in the
face of warlike colony-grasping, but was the
only stratagem to which these States could
resort, in their powerlessness to create ar¬
maments and regiments in a number su¬
perior to those, incredibly large, of that
State most attached to royalty and which was
breathlessly preparing the great blow, with¬
out at the same time incurring dangerous
democratic discontent and desolating min¬
isterial falls.

From this time on the field was open to
the helpful dilettantes of pacifism. They
first appeared as supporters of armed equi¬
librium, as an infallible means to coniure the
great blow. A means which was to consist
in keeping themselves as Allied States pre¬
pared for war in a measure always propor¬
tionate to the warlike preparation of the
strongest State : keeping themselves, brief¬
ly, in a state always ready for war, without
ever making it, and in the meantime em-
poverishing themselves. A means belied by
the. universal law, which teaches that the
Universe can sustain itself inasmuch as its
various and complex forces are only tran¬

sitorily in the disorder of independence and
unlimited liberty, namely, in the disorder of
equivalent conflicts. Because the more in¬
tense these become, the more they compel
the varied and universal forces to new ad¬
justment, to pass from disorder to a new or¬
der, through the domination of the greater
over the less, through a domination which,
if retarded, produces an aggravation of the
final clash. A means which excited the
derision of the State most attached to royalty
which was meditating and preparing the
great blow, because there followed a striving
competition of armaments in which all the
States had the pleasure of empoverishing
themselves while remaining always behind
the pacemaker.

The supporters of the famous obligatory
arbitration , as an infallible means of avoid¬
ing the great blow, came second. A means
which was to consist in recognising this
sublime principle — that States could cer¬
tainly regulate their internal affairs, with
struggles for legal domination producing
varied correlative laws and a varied justice
of internal domination, but that they should
have their foreign affairs, even the most im¬
portant and sacred, regulated through obli¬
gatory submission to the peacemaking arbi¬
trariness of irresponsible arbitrators, able to
impose now iniquitous, now stupid arbit¬
raments, able to arrest the States’ turn of
domination and the progress of humanity.
A means belied by universal law, which
teaches that life is not peace but struggle.
A means that was also derided by the same
State most attached to royalty which was
meditating the great blow, because, though
followed by ejaculations about peace, it was
producing instead of peace mad armaments
and a succession of warlike conflicts such as
had never been seen in the past.

And yet, to understand all the absurdity
of obligatory arbitration, it would have been
enough for its supporters to have reflected
upon these facts. The life of individuals
organised in a community or Nation does
not certainly develop through gun shots, yet
neither does it develop in peace, but through

A WORLD CENTRE

struggle. It develops through conflicts of
interests and moral and material, public and
private advantages, which are regulated not
by possibly deficient or even corrupt arbi¬
trators, but by strong majorities, which in
councils or Parliaments dominate over the
incapable. Now, if Nations are but ag¬
gregates of individuals, and can but have
similar conflicts of interests and of moral
and material, public and private advantages,
why should they have them regulated by
possibly deficient or corruptible arbitrators,
rather than by the superior and able men in
those Nations, who are able to dictate laws
to the small and incapable or decadent ones?
If municipal and national life develops a-
midst struggles in which the individuals
strongest in mind, in body and in wealth
dominate, and dominate either in groups or
in parties, imposing themselves by authority
of laws, of judges and of municipal and na¬
tional police, thus managing their own great
interests, sometimes entrusting to the de¬
cision of arbitrators only those of their in¬
terests that are so slight as not to be worth
the trouble of insisting upon them with
authoritative impositions of law, why should
not international life develop in the same
way? Why should it become an arbitrary
business of arbitrators called to put into ex¬
ecution a few gracious treaties by which
the great Nations deigned to assent to the
prayers of the small? That which among
Nations would be a paeifistic ideal might
also become so within Nations and commu¬
nities. Therefore, no more communal and
national struggles ending in the legal dom¬
ination of the strongest fellow citizens and
countrymen! For all communal and na¬
tional affairs, arbitrators who will provide
and give fellow-citizens and countrymen the
joy of peacefully living and growing fat,
without need of struggling and having laws,
judges and police to enforce and to maintain
order!

But what would have and would become
of all human progress, if it had had to and
did depend upon the decisions of irrespon¬
sible arbitrators, and of pacifists made fac¬
totums of civilisation?

It was, moreover, absurd to pretend that
conflicts among States should be decided by
obligatory arbitration — especially as it was
evident that such a proceeding would have
been advantageous for the large States and
disadvantageous for the small, fattening the
plethoric and making the anaemic lean. Yet
this seemed to be the dream of the support¬
ers of obligatory arbitration — the dream
of the Status quo, so dear to the great deca¬
dent Empires, because guaranteeing to their
flabby rulers the luxury of remaining for¬
ever in their old posts.

It was, briefly, absurd to pretend that
conflicts among States could be decided by
obligatory arbitration — a solution which
leaves untouched the, problem of wars, al¬
ways still eminently possible because of
eventual nonfulfilment of arbitration, and
obliges the continued precaution of ar¬
maments and warlike preparations to go on
as before. This doctrine is nothing but a
negation of the natural right, belonging to
Nations as to individuals, of living and
dominating according to their own worth.

It creates a lottery of those interests,
including the most sacred, which are not in¬
tended to be left at the mercy of arbitrators
and for the extreme defence of which man
is willing to die. This nonsense of inter¬
national life contrasting with the common-
sense of communal and national life, has
done much harm, and has had a large part
in this horrible war, by diverting so many
honest minds from the positive study of the
problem of war and from its true solution,
which would have prevented this most hor¬
rible catastrophe.

Actually an efficient means for settling
controversies of slight importance, arbitra¬
tion was taken, with ingenuous simplicity,
to be at the same time an efficient means for
settling controversies of great importance.
But no individual, conscious of the dignity
of his being, signs a paper on which it is
said that, as long as he lives, he will be tied
hand and foot and will accept, as an unap¬
pealable sentence, the judgment that Mr A

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

or Mr B may pass upon any controversy in
which he may take part. Similarly, no
Nation, not composed of cowardly individu¬
als but of men conscious of the dignity of
their being, will consent to be tied hand and
foot and sign such a paper. Losing one’s
life — in war if there is no legal State, and
in rebellion or revolution if there is a legal
State —- may seem to an individual, as to
the members of a Nation, an easy and neces¬
sary act, when an ideal worthy of being
defended even by death is at stake, when
an ideal is at stake too great to be left to the
judgment of Mr A or Mr B, who if not dis¬
honest and corrupt, may be mentally limited
and incapable of understanding the great¬
ness of the ideal.

And how is it that so many minds had
confidence in arbitration, which turns out to
be really an aberration? We have already
explained it. The continuance of royal des¬
potism drew a veil over minds, so that it
prevented men in government from resort¬
ing to the true remedy for conflicts between
States — that of a legality instituted among
them by means of an international consti¬
tution. Democratic catch-words and the
fear of ministerial falls prevented men in
government from incurring the tremendous
expenses for armaments and regiments that
would have been necessary to supersede
those of the menacing State. This tremen¬
dous expense, nevertheless, had to be in¬
curred at the outbreak of the war. There¬
fore, as an expedient, there was nothing left
but to resort to the herbalists of political
remedies, to the sentimentalists of pacifism,
namely, to open the field to all the simpletons
who, with their childish prattle and sen¬
timental appearance, might, who knows, per¬
haps succeed in averting the great blow by
that State most attached to royalty of a con¬
quering war against the colonising States,
while permiting the little blows of their own
colonial conquests against colonisable States
to go on as conveniently as ever.

But for the folly of arbitration success¬
fully to impose itself it would have been
necessary for that State most attached to

royalty not to exist. Even though the
decadent States, united against this one,
carried the comedy of pacifism to the point
of stipulating for reciprocal treaties of obli¬
gatory arbitration in all cases of conflict, that
one State most attached to royalty, begged
with a smile to be excluded from such an
agreement, and in the meantime the more
cheerfully prepared the great blow.

Obligatory arbitration therefore visibly
failed. Then the third set of sages came to
the rescue. Truth is found in the middle
way. This we know. Obligatory arbitra¬
tion was absurd, if only for the very simple
reason that it began to be understood that
there was no international authority capable
of imposing the execution of arbitraments
by force of arms. On the other hand, war
was a horrible thing. Therefore, behold
another infallible means for conjuring the
great blow! Before coming to a declaration
of war, States must lend themselves to an
attempt at Conciliation before an Interna¬
tional Court. Naturally, in case the attempt
at conciliation failed, States had to continue
to be armed in proportion to the arming of
their possible foes. And then, followed gen¬
eral commiseration for that most honourable
proposal of conciliation ! Which, in truth,
had the merit of being, not certainly a so¬
lution of the war problem, but something
from the moral and juridical point of view.
It afforded a curb of shame against the rapac¬
ities of war.

Not foolish like the political herbalists
were the fourth class who came to the rescue
with the proposal of a Supreme Court of
Justice , either at the Hague or elsewhere,
authorised to decide conflicts between na¬
tions. Authorised by whom? By whose
dominating force? This fourth class of
prophets had the most easy bearing of all.
They were persuaded that they could pero¬
rate about their discovery without knowing
the meaning of the word justice, without
needing to know that, as long as the anarchy
of independent nationalities lasts, as long as
there is lacking an international authority,
arising from the Nations, on the basis of

A WORLD CENTRE

each: one’s force of domination, legislating
over them, and coercing them, in what con¬
cerns international affairs, as long as, briefly,
laws and militia of international domination
are lacking, there must inevitably be lacking
the International Law on the basis of which
a. Supreme Court of Justice can exist and
decide. So that its decisions upon the con¬
flict of Nations which might have consented
to submit themselves to its judgments, would
have had no other value than that of arbitra¬
tions. And naturally, the State most attach¬
ed to royalty had laughed to ridicule the
idea of the authority of such a Supreme
Court of Justice.

There was another apparently sure
means of averting the great blow, and with
some pretence to statistical science, there
presented themselves those alluded by the
notion of having discovered a great illusion,
those illuding themselves that they had dis¬
covered that wars, which are thought useful,
are really useless. This was the new and
true saving thought. But it did not take
into account that wars are necessary and
inevitable as long as Nations remain inde¬
pendent, namely, in the non State of anar¬
chy, lacking the legality and the possibility
of their members having foreign relations
and affairs with ordered and proportioned
domination like that by which the3^ have in¬
ternal relations and affairs. It forgot that
armaments are necessary, not only in case of
such necessary wars, but as a means of pa¬
rading intellectual, physical and financial
forces to which States can resort for their
moral and material domination during the
still continuing foreign anarchy and com¬
mercial interdependence, even as displays
and small parades of intelligence, of physical
strength and of money are useful to indivi¬
duals as ways of dominating morally and ma¬
terially in despotic or falsely constitutional
social interdependence.

This new illusory doctrine of illusion
took into account only the small wars waged
on an equal footing, not the great unequal
and ferocious wars. To have had these in
mind would have made it clear that these

wars end, not in interdependence, but in the
iron domination of one people over another,
in the dependence of one people upon anoth¬
er. This conquering people, subjecting
everything and everybody, inflating itself
with wealth and power, becomes great as,
through the centuries, the successive great
Empires with their various civilisations and
races became great, and so remained until
the day of their decadence.

1 his doctrine of the illusion of war was
born of the illusion that in the present con¬
dition of so-called international civilisation,
public opinion in the Nations has arrived at
the point of thinking war useless. We have
seen how nearly it had come to that point.
But, even if public opinion in the Nations
had arrived at thinking that, in present con¬
ditions of so-called international civilisation,
war was useless, it would have had no greater
importance than the other public opinion
which holds thieves guilty in the present ar¬
rangement of national civilisation. In the
same way as public opinion is contrary to
thieves, and notwithstanding that the nation¬
al police is charged with arresting them,
every cautious man guards against possible
thefts or worse that may happen to him, and
begins by locking the door of his house — so,
notwithstanding the fact that public opinion
is contrary to war, and the more so because
there is no international police charged with
preventing it, every cautious Nation would
have continued to guard itself against pos¬
sible wars by bringing the largest possible
armaments to the frontier. So the problem
would have remained unsolved and the harm
derived from increase of armaments would
have been permanent.

But this is not all. One should not con¬
sider only present conditions of so-called in¬
ternational civilisation to conclude that war
is useless. Nothing in the world is stable.
Civilised conditions can change all of a
sudden for the worse because of moral or
material causes — let us suppose among these
a famine or other scourge. In such a case
diplomatic relations would vanish as by en¬
chantment, even as in a wreck or a fire re-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

lations of courtesy vanish, with few excep¬
tions, which just because of their exception¬
ality, constitute heroisms. In such a case,
present international diplomatic and com¬
mercial relations would retrogress towards
those of brutal struggle. Consecpient wars
would be as ferocious as formerly. And
from such wars the least pacifistic Nations
would survive — those that had been most
careful to remain strong, those able to utilise
compellingly, against the other Nations,
their greater force of mind, of arms and of
money. This might possibly happen to-mor¬
row, were the international constitution
not yet made, for it alone could enable the
voice of altruism to be heard, in the inter¬
national assembly, and act as an authori¬
tative curb.

The new discovery of a great illusion
ended, as it was bound to, in a miserable
delusion. And then, to the rescue came the
sixth class perorating about another infallible
way of averting the great blow, that of the
United States of Europe, of the European
Federation, of the Federation of the World.
But federations could no longer be treated
lightly, as in the past when they could come
about among collectivities having fewer op¬
posed or more common interests and able to
refuse to federate or voluntarily to consent
to federate, on the basis of having one or two
representatives for every Canton or State,
whether large or small, or on the basis of
having representatives in proportion to the
population only, namely, to only one of the
elements of force which give the authority
of government. The federal system, thus
conceived and carried out — as best it could
be in the passing from the ferocious repres¬
sions of despotic government to the demo¬
cratic equalitarian liberty of representative
government — was doubtless better than the
imperial system, but it was absurd all the
same. Because it is not policy to desire a
State whose members can, as they please,
either make part of it and be disciplined or
stay out and be dangerous. To understand
what would spring from an International
State where Nations would have this right
to federal entry, one need but imagine what

would spring from a City State or Nation
State if fellow citizens or countrymen were
allowed either to stay in and be disciplined
or to stay out and be aggressive. There
would spring from it the negation of the
State, namely anarchy. Neither is it serious
to propose an international Federal Assem¬
bly where the Nations should have but one
or two representatives each — two Greek
representatives in little skirts and two Ger¬
man representatives in spiked helmets —
where the will of Greece should be worth
the same as that of Germany, the will of
England as that of Montenegro, the will of
the United States as that of Switzerland, the
will of Russia as that of Holland, the will of
France as that of Belgium. Neither is it
serious to propose an International Federal
Assembly where England should have more
votes than Montenegro in proportion to its
population, where the United States should
have more votes than Greece in proportion
to its population, and thus Germany more
votes than Switzerland, France more votes
than Spain. In such case, look out for
China ! Population is but one of the coef¬
ficients of a Nation’s power, even as mus¬
cular force is but one of the coefficients of
an individual’s power. In fact, to succeed
in war, it is not enough to have many sol¬
diers; one must also have great intelligence
to discipline and lead them, and large finan¬
cial reserves to nourish, clothe and arm
them.

Given that life is not peace but struggle,
a struggle disciplined by the domination of
the strongest and thus become a better means
towards life’s aim; given that Nations are
aggregates of individuals and can but have
similar conflicts of interests and of moral and
material, public and private advantages — it
is evident that the longed-for union of Na¬
tions is absurd without a scientific constitu¬
tional basis for compulsion and for the recog¬
nition of every Nation’s right to have a
voice and power in the Interstate Union
equal to that which it would employ first by
its diplomatic influence, then on the battle¬
field. Voluntary federation on a footing of
equality could subsist among States having

A WORLD CENTRE

more or less the same foreign interests.
Among States having opposite foreign in¬
terests it is an absurdity. Understood, more¬
over, from a narrow point of view, as the
United States of Europe, it sounds menac¬
ing to American or Asiatic ears and would
lead to continual wars. So that neither did
the upholders of the United States of Eu¬
rope, European Federation, World Feder¬
ation, with their superficial arguments about
voluntariness and parity, succeed in averting
the great blow.

And still less did the seventh class suc¬
ceed in averting it. As an infallible means
they suggested nationality according to nat¬
ural boundaries (those established by God,
together with Ivmgs, founders of conquered
races, together with professors of ancient
history and geography) disarmament and the
armed Nation , that is to say, a gun, even an
old model, hung over the bed of every cit¬
izen. No more than that. If the menac-
ing State had absolutely desired not to sub¬
mit to nationalities thus established but to
attack them, it was at full liberty to do so.
The citizens would have resorted even to
stones to crush its militia. And that one
State, which had secretly kept its 420 mm
guns and had smiled or laughed at all the
other proposals thinking of this one, softly
sighing, murmured —- « Ah ! Would to God !
How much finer the blow ! »

Thus all the superficial exponents of
pacifism, not succeeding in their absurdities,
succeeded collectively however in something
quite different — that is to say :

1) they succeeded in bringing the
Chaotic Period to a climax;

2) they succeeded in getting fabulous
sums from philanthropists, whom they led to
believe that they could end the scourge of
war, while actually the former, with the help
they gave to the propaganda of pacifistic er¬
rors, made it continue and become nutriment
for a new bureaucracy — the pacifistic bu¬
reaucracy, incapable of understanding the
whole complexity of the war problem, stub¬

born in the propaganda of peace, which we
know is but a pause in war, supporters only
of those ideas and initiatives that, entering
into their shortsighted view of the war prob¬
lem, offered new resources for the everlast¬
ing and profitable peace propaganda;

3) succeeded in leading astray those
who would have liked to study the war
problem honestly;

4) succeeded in stifling, with more
love for pacifistic compromises than for the
victims of war, the positive voice that as
against their pacifistic nonsense called for
the legality of an international consti¬
tution, on the basis of the Nations’ several
forces of domination, as the only means of
conjuring the destined outbreak of the most
horrible of wars;

5) shared, therefore, the responsibility
for the most horrible of wars.

Confused meaning of political words.

Dizzying progress was made by all the
sciences except that of government. And in
the meantime — in the midst of marvellous
speeches and writings in every branch of
learning — the speeches and writings of the
highest as of the smallest political men were
either stupid, or deceitful. The most illus¬
trious statesmen and journalists even as the
most obscure electoral agent, continually
used in their speeches and writings the words
right, justice and authority, liberty and in¬
dependence, what was State, what Nation,
but, if taken by the coat tail and forced to
say what was right, what justice and what
authority, what was liberty and what in¬
dependence, what was State, what Nation,
what Fatherland, would mutter, wriggle, re¬
lease themselves, try to change the subject
and go away.

Dizzying progress was reached by all the
sciences, except that of government. And
in the meantime, while material life, because
of the enormous development of industry,
attained a fantastic wealth of delicious com-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

forts and a satanic evil of adulterations and
armaments, moral life fell into desolating dis¬
comfort, partly produced by chaotic ideas
and practices of government, but mostly by
the general irreligious scepticism which the
same dizzying progress had caused — a) by
the discovery of immense new real facts, be¬
cause of which medicine had risen to being
a supreme science, b ) by giving colossal new
ideas about the philosophy of things con¬
trasting with the old church teachings, by
the side of which the latter appeared gross
deceit or error.

This general irreligious scepticism, as
we know, could not but be connected with a
general unchaining of all individual egotisms
and with decadence. But this time there
arose, moreover, the greater hypocrisy with
which the unchaining of individual egotisms
occurred — an hypocrisy determined by the
fact that the now decadent and sceptical
religion had, as no other, been born of pre¬
cepts of neighbourly love, namely, that its
believers should love and treat their neigh¬
bours as themselves — an hypocrisy deter¬
mined by the fact that these precepts, which
still continued to have their place in the
ejaculation of worship and in moral preach¬
ings, sounded the condemnation of the in¬
dividual selfishness that the general irreli¬
gious scepticism could but produce.

And in the meantime, the Chaotic Period
closed with the phenomenon of general de¬
cadence. This, while in its essence it was
less than that of the old despotic Empires,
because diminished by the partial cure of the
State sore, brought about by National Con¬

stitutions almost everywhere adopted — in
form was actually worse, because of the ac¬
companying State and moral hypocrisies.
Briefly, the frenzied collisions of starving
and luxurious struggles for existence, big
and little parades of force, cunning, lies, dis¬
loyalty, fraud, overbearing, cowardliness,
disputes, extortions, pride, superficiality,
meanness, slanders, discords, chauvinism,
personal interests preponderating over those
of the Fatherland: all these evils of de¬
cadence certainly turned men and women
into so many little tubes of malice. These
evils made men and women so many deceiv¬
ers of God in whom they no longer believed
and of their neighbours whom they no longer
loved, but made these same men and women
susceptible to the betterment which Nation¬
al Constitutions had produced by partially
healing the internal State sore, and made
them therefore ready to rise concordantly,
when a grave danger of war, menacing the
Fatherland, threatened to compromise the
pride of renascent dignity and greatness
which National Constitutions had awakened
and which, because of revival of the old
habits of imperial corruption, in the general
irreligious scepticism, had remained de¬
pressed.

Thus, as climax, the Chaotic Period clos¬
ed in the blood of the most horrible of wars
- a war which, centuries before, had been
marked out on the first day when the grim
and rapacious, sanguinary and obscene man,
the King, had made it inevitable by urging
that National Constitutions should, at least
in appearance, preserve to royal power its
old authority.

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- • •

J V

PART II

LEGAL ARGUMENT

A N D

CONCLUSION

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CHAPTER I.

THE LIGHT OF SCIENCE.

The conduct of the belligerent Nations
confirmed the fact that, in the state of gener¬
al barbarism in which politics found them¬
selves, an International Scientific Confer¬
ence imposed itself as the best and most
urgent way of giving positive foundations to
the Science of Government and of destroy¬
ing once for all the first and most harmful
of the remains of barbarism, the octopus of
royal despotism, that still possessed such
strong tentacles of which it made constant
use.

The mental darkening produced by the
Chaotic Period persisted with such intensity,
however, that most people did not under¬
stand in what could consist the positive
foundations of the Science of Government
that such a Conference might have brought
to light or of what use they could be. All
those who whether cultured or uncultured,
spoke about war in the pitiable way we saw
in the last chapter — had never felt the need
of knowing in a positive and scientific way,
that is, in a very different way from that
used in schools or churches, a few prin¬
ciples, a few fundamental ideas about poli¬
tics. Neither could they make out the ob¬
jection that it was absurd to speak of war,
or of politics in general, except on the basis
of these. Nor yet were they persuaded
when, asked to admit that war is an illness
of the social body just as palpitations are an
illness of the human body, they were faced
with these enquiries.

Can one speak of heart disease without
knowing definitely what the heart is? Can
one speak of a disease of the liver without
knowing what the liver is? Can one speak
of pneumonia without knowing what are the
lungs? And if this is impossible, why
should it be possible to speak of nationality
without knowing definitely what the Nation
is? Why should it be possible to speak of
international right and justice without know¬
ing clearly what are right and justice? Why
should it be possible to speak of authority,
legality, liberty, without knowing in what
one and the other consist?

To say, while the war went on, that it
would be well to think of scientific research
as a means by which war could be abolished,
in order to have a worthy means of solving
the present war, seemed like saying that the
generals, dealers and assisting doctors should
stop warring and do this scientific work
themselves. It was not understood that it
should be the impartial and holy task of a
few new minds, carrying on their humane
work of study simultaneously with the pa¬
triotic work of fighting carried on by gen¬
erals, dealers and assisting doctors.

Understanding that it is foolish to speak
of a body’s illness without knowing the
structure and function of the organ that pro¬
duces it, Morgagni, the founder of patholog¬
ical anatomy, published his work DE' CASUS
ET SEDIBUS MORBORUM PER ANATOMEN INDA-

A WORLD CENTRE

gatis, and therewith created a revolution.
Lie overthrew empirical medicine. Creat¬
ed scientific medicine. And medicine, pro¬
ceeding from positive anatomical research
and bases, was able to rise to the height it
has attained.

That which Morgagni’s work did for
medicine, this work intends to do for
politics — revolutionise them. Overthrow
empirical politics. Create scientific poli¬
tics. For it is foolish to try to speak of war
or of any other government evil, outside of
party ideas and party programmes, without
knowing the structure and functions of the
government organs through which the evil
is produced.

As no Scientific Conference — in spite
of its urgency — has yet been called, and
even though a scientific treatment of the
subject seems the only radical and efficient
remedy for the evil, we were led to the belief
that it was better to try audaciously, even
with only personal observations, inspira¬
tions and perceptions, to construct a Positive
Science of Government. Thus comes about
the publication of this work, which has
many points in common with the very dif¬
ferent one published by Morgagni over a
hundred years ago.

The analogy is fascinating and convinc¬
ing, because of the fact that,, in treating this
work, the two State sores productive of all
governmental evils are disclosed, — the ex¬
ternal sore, consisting in the barbarism of
anarchy abroad and in the consequent neces¬
sity of foreign wars — and the internal sore,
consisting in the arbitrariness of despotism
in the interior and in the consequent neces¬
sity of internal tyrannies. Two sores in
which this whole work is synthesized, as can
be clearly seen in the fascinating and con¬
vincing chart here inserted. In relation to
it the title of this book might be changed by
the addition of a sub-title, thus — positive

SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT, or ANATOMY OF THE
STATE ORGAN AND FUNCTION, ON THE BASIS OF
WHICH THE VARIOUS POEITICAE PARTIES CAN
MAKE IN A POSITIVE WAY THEIR VARIOUS DIAG¬

NOSES AND CURES OF THEIR SOCIAL EVILS,
AMONG WHICH is war. And in this case, the
several parts of the work should be thus
considered — the following Positive Foun¬
dations of the Science of Government are
the nerves of the State organism — the
Positive Inferences of the Science of Gov¬
ernment are its muscles — the Generic
Historical Pacts, from which the Positive
Foundations and the Positive Inferences of
the Science of Government were deduced,
are its nervous and muscular functions — the
Empirical and Greatest of Historical Facts :
National Constitutions, through whose chan¬
ges the Positive Science of Government and
State perfection are reached, are its con¬
nective and cutaneous system, which forms
through changes and gives it functional form
and perfection.

But from analogy to analogy also an¬
other fascinating and convincing though
more distant analogy can be reached, and
that is, that this work of Positive Science is
also a radical, efficient and urgent remedy.
During the Chaotic Period, the shameful
governmental stupidity was not only kept up
by false school, church and art teachings,
but also by false book, newspaper and party
teachings : so that, from infancy to death,
everything and everybody was caught in a
net of falsehood. The Earth, in spite of its
magnitude, lacked a locality where people
could unite for the research of positive, un¬
partisan ideas of government. Every asso¬
ciation, club and institution was bound to the
ideas of this or that political part}/. And
the men and women who belonged to them
- whether from vain pride and fear of hav¬
ing to admit their ideas to be false, whether
from a tired wish not to have their way of
thinking disturbed, whether from interest
in the party aims and ambitions of the asso¬
ciation, club or institution to which they
were bound - would not tolerate that within
their walls researches for and affirmations of
truth should be made, even if scientific, con¬
trary to their politics. Even scientific Con¬
gresses, so proud of their sacred mission —
that of defending and promoting free scien¬
tific research — while they extended their

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

activity over all knowable fields, took good
care not to institute a Positive Political
Science section, and this because of pru¬
dence, for their promoters were afraid of
compromising royal prerogatives and were
anxious not to be given government preoc¬
cupations but rather to receive from it fa¬
vours of chairs or honours or gratifications
or of all these together. Briefly, in order to
know something true about politics, it would
have been necessary to begin by building a
locality — where lies and falsehoods, com¬
edies and stupidities would have been for¬
bidden — where people could have gathered
to speak seriously about war as about any
other political fact of the day. And here
enters the other more distant yet fascinating
and convincing analogy that this work of the
Positive Science of Government is also a
radical, efficient and urgent remedy. The
construction of this work is comparable to
the construction of a locality for serious
political discussions. So that the title of
this work might also be changed by the ad¬
dition of another subtitle thus: POSITIVE
SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT, or ANATOMY OF THE
STATE ORGANISM AND FUNCTION, ON THE BASIS

OF WHICH THE VARIOUS POEITICAL PARTIES CAN
MAKE IN A POSITIVE WAY THEIR VARIOUS DIAG¬
NOSES AND CURES OF THEIR SOCIAL EVILS,
AMONG WHICH IS WAR, or, CONSTRUCTION OF
A LOCALITY FOR SERIOUS POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS.
And in the case of this other analogy, the
several parts of this work should be con¬
sidered thus — the Positive Foundations of
the Science of Government are the locality’s
foundation stones — the Positive Inferences
of the Science of Government are its col¬
umns — the Generic Historical Facts, from
which the Positive Foundations and the Pos¬
itive Inferences of the Science of Govern¬
ment were deduced, are the fundamental
functions supporting its foundation stones
and columns — the Empirical and Greatest
of Historical Facts : National Constitutions,
through whose changes the positive Science
of Government and State perfection are
reached, are the system of walls and rafters
that through their connections give form,
consistency and functional perfection to the
locality, namely, give the possibility of
speaking neither lies and stupidities there,
nor yet of playing comedies, but of worthily
holding serious political discussions.

■

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■

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■

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. . '

■

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■

•. ..

ijfcj

' ih ' u ;

■

CHAPTER II.

FOUNDATIONS OF A POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT
DEDUCED FROM THE GENERIC HISTORICAL FACTS.

Thus, from the historic and progressive
facts of government generally, which
beginning with those of Tribes and includ¬
ing those of imperial decadence — we have
been grouping with sincere observation and
reflection, there emerge the following five
Positive Foundations of Government and
five Positive Inferences of Government.

The Positive Foundations of Govern¬
ment finally make concrete, in precise and
concise ideas, the conceptions which every
man and every woman, whatever be the
class, party or faith to which they belong,
must have;

1) about the three forces of mind, of
body and of wealth, with the use and increase
of which everybody seeks to dominate in
sexual, family, religious, professional, trade,
artistic, commercial and social life, in order
to live more securely and more according to
his own will, whether egotistic and malef¬
icent or altruistic and beneficent;

2) about the struggle for existence,
which among men is barbarous as long as
they — being in the non-State of anarchical
liberty and independence — must keep them¬
selves as much armed as possible, and live
a life which is a series of deceits, trickeries,
homicides and wars, interrupted by brief in¬
tervals of insecure peace;

3) about the passing from this non-
State of warlike anarchy to the State of gov¬

ernment, through the process of multiple
domination, which — occurring arbitrarily
tending to despotism, —* implying the tyran¬
ny of slavery, of tribute, of suppressed lib¬
erty in thought, speech and action and of
scientific and religious mental obscurantism,
brought about by State schools and churches
nevertheless produces among rulers and
ruled a relative civilisation of laws contain¬
ing rights and duties;

4) about justice, injustice and pardon,
about equity and iniquity which are not what
they are thought to be;

5) about the pentalogue of legality.

\\ I.

THE THREE HUMAN FORCES, OF MIND,

OF BODY AND OF WEALTH.

Every man or woman has;

1) a force, of mind, by which he or she
can think, have cognition and persuade with
greater or less ability;

2) a force of body — divided into,
a) force of attraction, b ) force of agility,
c) force of pressure — by which he or she
can attract, act or constrain with greater or
less efficacy;

3) a force of wealth : either in material
conserved and useful to life, or in an equiv-

A WORLD CENTRE

alent sum of money — by which, a) he or
she can think, know, persuade, attract, act
and constrain with greater ease, with greater
resources and consequently with greater a-
bility and efficacy, a) by which he or she can
use the forces of others, namely, pay more
or less and induce others to think, know, per¬
suade, attract, act and constrain more or
less for him or her : since the others, streng¬
thened by the things or money received in
payment, will then be better able to think,
know, persuade, attract, act and constrain.

Every man or woman more or less con¬
sciously uses these three forces of mind, of
body and of wealth, to increase them and
make them prevail over those which, in con¬
flict, are used by other men and women.
Because it is by the use, the increase and the
successful operation of these three forces,
that a man or woman can;

1) have more or less sexual, family,
professional, trade, artistic, commercial or
social domination over other men and wo¬
men, that is to say, prevail and dominate
over them;

2) live more securely ;

3) live according to his or her egotistic
and maleficent or altruistic and beneficent
will.

II.

The struggle for existence among men is

WORSE THAN THAT AMONG BEASTS. AND

IT IS BARBAROUS, AS LONG AS THEY ARE IN

ANARCHICAL LIBERTY AND INDEPENDENCE.

This alternate use and clash of forces,
which men and women carry on in their
desire to prevail, to dominate and to live as
most interests and best pleases them, con¬
stitutes their struggle for existence.

A struggle which is worse than that
existing among the beasts, because of the
greater forces of thought and of wealth
which men and women can employ in it.

Mankind, not limited by the narrow men¬
tality of beasts, cannot restrict itself to an
individual and more or less local struggle for
existence. It is by nature drawn to aggres¬
sions, now individual and homicidal, now
collective and warlike, now perfidious and
economic, that is, reinforced by money, and
therefore likely to be more deadly.

This struggle, moreover, is absolutely
barbarous as long as it is conducted in anar¬
chy, that is to say, as long as men and women
are in independence and unlimited liberty.
Because the fact of all being independent
and unlimitedly free to move and to use their
own forces as they best think and please,
renders their struggle fiercer on account of
the shorter intervals between individual and
homicidal, and collective and warlike deceits
and aggressions. In this anarchical strug¬
gle, there is — no force able to insure against
the unforeseen and sudden assault of other
forces — no pleasure not disturbed by the
imminence of some possible sorrow — no
hour of life to be enjoyed in a State of
security — no limit to the advantage of
being always better armed — no time nor
leisure to provide for any but the most
urgent necessities of life. Independence,
conferring unlimited liberty on everybody,
reduces it to little liberty for everybody; and
turns the life of men and women into a series
of deceits, trickeries, homicides and wars,
interrupted by brief intervals of insecure
Peace.

III.

From the non-state of anarchy to the

STATE OF GOVERNMENT. AUTHORITY, LAW,

RIGHTS AND DUTIES, DESPOTISM AND TYR¬
ANNY, RULERS AND RULED.

It is to withdraw themselves from this
barbarous non-State of anarchy and struggle
for existence, that among men and women
who have already shown signs of sexual,
family, professional, trade, artistic, commer¬
cial or social superiority, there arises the
need for and occurs the establishment of the
State, that is to say, there arises the need of

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

completing and ensuring their various in¬
cipient dominations, by having also govern¬
mental domination, namely, legal domination
and governmental authority, i. e., the faculty
of imposing laws to curb and guide the forces
of other men and women and thus be better
able to live, by their own dominations, ac¬
cording to their own egotistic and maleficent
or altruistic and beneficent wills.

And how precisely does this occur?

Through an understanding among those
who in collective aggressions, namely, in
wars, are strongest and dominant. The
few men arid women who are strongest in
wars, namely, better endowed with one or
another of those three forces or with all of
them and are capable of dominating, come to
an agreement, through a process of multiple
domination — to abolish independence and
limit liberty — to organise themselves and
subject others, that is, to render subject — to
constitute themselves as authority of State
and of government — to oblige one another
hierarchically and to oblige the many weaker
men and women to use their own forces in
moves of a struggle for existence that must
take place within prescribed limits.

The many weaker men and women are,
briefly, by force, constrained by the few
strongest to have done with independence
and to curtail their unlimited liberty accord¬
ing to a few rules, a) which in part constitute
their duties — duties correlative to the rights
assumed by the rulers, b) which in part con¬
stitute their rights — rights conceded them
by the rulers, either because of altruistic
regard for them, or because of a considera¬
tion of forces that it is as well to conciliate
— rights correlative to the duties which the
rulers have assumed, c) which together form
the laws of common life. From wars, and
by a process of multiple domination, among
men and women there thus arises the au¬
thority, the State, the government. And
the barbarism of anarchy ceases. And the
struggle for existence, which was absolutely
barbarous, begins to be civilised. And civ¬
ilisation begins.

But the progress of multiple domination
of the few rulers must be more particularly
explained.

One, who in wars dominates strongly by
means of one of those three forces or by all,
imposes himself upon the few who in wars
dominate less strongly, by means of one of
those forces or by all, and, a little by fair
means and a little by foul, proposes to them
the following;

i ) to struggle in common against the
many who are inferior in war, in order to
subject them to his and their authority, and
thus curb and guide their forces; to reduce
their liberty of action and render them
inoffensive ; to render them also useful, by
service or tribute and by eventual possible
sacrifice of life for the requirements of the
exercise of their authority;

2) to recognise him, the propounder
of the plan, as first authority, and in turn,
for the same end and in his name, to impose
themselves as second authorities over the
other few who in wars dominate a little and
over the many who are inferior to them in
war.

Or these few, who in wars dominate less
strongly and who have adhered to the in¬
vitation in the name of the Head, each one,
as second authority, imposes himself upon
the few others who in wars dominate a little,
and, partly by fair means and partly by foul,
proposes :

1) to struggle in common against the
many who are inferior in wars, in order to
subject them to the authority of the Chief as
well as to their own, and thus curb and guide
their forces;

2) to recognise the Head or Chief as
first authority and themselves as second au¬
thorities, and in turn, for the same end, in
the name of the Head, to impose themselves
as third authorities over the few others who
in wars dominate less and over the many who
are inferior in them.

A WORLD CENTRE

These other few, who in wars dominate
a little accept the invitation, and in the name
of the Head, and each one as third authority,
act in the same way towards the other few
who in wars dominate less.

This process of multiple domination is,
truly, positive, but only in part and there¬
fore not wholly scientific. It is only par¬
tially positive, because it is certainly based
on the victorious results of war, namely on
the value of the forces employed in and aris¬
en from war, yet is so based in an arbitrary
way, that is, without regard to the forces
that were not but could have been employed
in war. x 4 nd because thus only partially
positive and therefore only partially scien¬
tific, such process constitutes despotism and
makes the first government a despotic gov¬
ernment.

Nevertheless, it is by such proceedings
that the first government can rise out of
anarchy. It Is thus that, according to the
need, the number of the few strong rulers
capable of subjecting the many weak ruled
increases more or less and that the submis¬
sion and the subjection of the many governed
comes about.

This despotic subjection of the ruled who
are now converted into subjects, must, how¬
ever, also be more particularly explained.

The imposition of the strongest rulers
over the inferior rulers and over the ruled
succeeds because;

1) it is Initiated by despotism, i. e., by
the process of multiple domination, which
we know occurred in an arbitrary way;

2) it is accompanied by disarmament ,
protection and penalty, that is, by : a) obli¬
gation on the part of the governed to give up
arms which are not permitted, because leav¬
ing arms in the hands of the ruled facilitates
their struggle against the rulers, b) defence
of the rights of the ruled against anyone whe¬
ther ruler or ruled, who seeks to leave the
permitted ways of struggle for existence, so

as to offend and disturb the rights upon which
rulers and ruled have regulated their own
existence and property, c) infliction of suf¬
fering or death upon whomsoever disobeys;

3) it is pursued through these means
of tyranny — a) service of the inferior ruled
made slaves, that is, reduced to forced mili¬
tary or labouring work and to eventual pos¬
sible sacrifice of life, b) tribute from the su¬
perior ruled rendered free, that is, permitted
to carry on professional, trade, artistic or
commercial free work, and taxed, c ) suppres¬
sion of liberty, for all, in thought, speech
and act capable — of letting loose the forces
of mind, body and wealth either of the in¬
ferior rulers or of the ruled — of deflecting
such forces from obedience to the laws — of
favouring inferior rulers and ruled in revolu¬
tionary tendencies, that is, in tendencies to
overthrow the rulers and their lav/s, to dom¬
inate and to impose themselves, with new
laws, as rival rulers, d) monopoly of schools
and churches, charged with teaching pre¬
cepts of suffocated science and arranged
religion, that is, charged with thus forming
the morals of boys and girls who will be fu¬
ture men and women (let us remember that
morals means nothing but habitual, custom¬
ary, way of thinking and acting: a way
consequently variable from epoch to epoch)
— charged namely, with moulding their
brains and accustoming them to think and
act as pleases the rulers, so that they may
grow disposed to lend their forces of mind,
of body and of wealth in favour of the will
of the rulers and may become less in need
of governmental compulsion, so that, briefly,
they may grow naturally disposed to respect
the rulers’ authority, to obey their laws, to
refuse to lend ear and aid to those who would
become rival rulers and make other laws and
produce other morals.

From all of which emerges the fact that
despotism is not to be confused with tyranny.

Despotism consists — in the govern¬
ment’s being of an arbitrary and not scien¬
tific character — in the lack of control of the
forces of the individuals who compose the

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

State —- in the uncertainty as to whether
those who have risen to power, as despotic
rulers, are still really the strongest in the
face of whose authority the ruled and the
aspirants to power will find it advantageous
to remain in subjection.

Tyranny consists — in the capacity of
such despotic government, on account of its
arbitrary character, to exist only by means
of measures giving too great liberty to the
rulers and too little liberty to the ruled
in the more or less onerous services and in
the more or less grave prohibitions imposed
upon the ruled under penalty of suffering or
death.

When one perceives this difference, it is
easy to understand that despotic government
can, be more or less tyrannical.

But a still more important explanation is
necessary, and this is with regard to the dis¬
armament of the ruled. The disarmament of
the ruled is the supreme condition for ruling.
Rulers alone must have arms (and the in¬
ferior must present them to the superior), in
order to be able with even a small show of
force to compel respect for their authority
and their laws. In fact, compulsion is easier
inasmuch as the arms which remain only in
the hands of the few rulers constitute an in¬
crease of their bodily force, and the arms
taken away from the many ruled constitute
a decrease of their bodily force. This is the
only positive way of reducing armaments
that the rulers can effect. When the ruled
are not permitted to keep arms — which
moreover are less necessary to them since
the cessation of the anarchy which, for every¬
body’s defence and offence, once rendered
the greatest possible number of weapons in¬
dispensable — it is evident! that few arms
in the hands of the rulers, held with hierar¬
chical obligation of presenting them, suffice
to render the mass of the ruled obedient.

This mass, half reluctantly, half willing¬
ly, submits to such impositions of govern¬
ment, because It knows that it is losing the
unlimited use of its forces of mind, body and
wealth, and looks enviously upon the large

part of these things going into the hands of
the rulers, who, with despotic arbitrariness,
have taken them for themselves; but, on the
other hand, it understands that in issuing
from the non-State of anarchy, it has ac¬
quired greater potentiality. It loses the in¬
dependence and unlimited liberty which it
had, and which — because of the inherent
series of deceits, trickeries, homicides and
wars was, unconsciously to itself, reduced
to a very limited liberty; but in exchange
it acquires securely the little liberty allowed
and protected by law. In exchange for the
duties to which it is constrained, it acquires
securely certain rights which it did not have
at first.

A mass of ruled begins by Being a herd;
and remains such as long as its government
is pastorallv despotic. It then degenerates
into a mob, according as the despotic govern¬
ment degenerates. Finally it becomes a
people, according as its intellectual develop¬
ment promoted by the aspirants to govern¬
ment for altruistic or selfish ends, but pro¬
moted with the support of the same mass’s
forces — leads it to develop better its forces
of mind, of body and of wealth, to organise
itself, to reduce tyranny, to extend liberty,
to become less in subjection, to abolish des¬
potism and to regenerate government.

A\ mass which, as long as it is not a
people, is colourless, formless, ignorant, ob¬
tuse, cunning, childish, impulsive, dissem¬
bling, sordid, generous, awkward, incoher¬
ent, fun-loving, snarling, chattering, grum¬
bling, and patiently lends itself to the im¬
positions of government, which it obeys, now
for its own advantage, now from laziness and
now from fear. But this mass, nevertheless,
always possesses its latent forces and uses
these now for asking, now for menacing, now
for disobeying, now for insurrecting by the
following graduated and gradual means of
resistance : — claims, petitions, adverse pro¬
paganda, demonstrations, insult, damaging
revenge, injurious revenge, mortal revenge,
rebellions and revolutions. And using these
its forces and these its means of resistance,
it compels the rulers not to abuse its patience.

7 6

A WORLD CENTRE

This mass stands between the rulers in
power, on the one hand, and the aspirants to
power on the other, who consist of — a) those
subordinated rulers who ill tolerate the au¬
thority of their superiors and aspire to exer¬
cising it, having a despotic proud conscious¬
ness or a despotic vain pretension them¬
selves to possess the greatest force of mind,
of body and of wealth, and who desire strong¬
ly to become rulers themselves by means
of a brilliant career, without waiting their
turn or time. The mass of the ruled, being
thus in the middle of these two classes of
persons, spies upon both and bends its enor¬
mous weight, now towards one and now
towards the other, according to the illusory
or obvious advantage held out to it. And
thus registering the actions of the rulers and
alternating the current of its own influence,
it operates along with the factions of the two
classes of rulers to the end that so-called
politics can exist. For politics are precisely
this opposition and compromise which the
rulers in power, the rulers in aspiration and
the mass of the ruled together make of their
own forces of mind, of body and of wealth,
for these aims : — a) for increasing and mak¬
ing them prevail, b) for curbing and guiding
more or less the forces of others, or for with¬
drawing their own forces as far as possible
from such restraints, c) for having more
domination or undergoing less, d) for living-
more securely, e) for living more according
to their own egotistic and maleficent or al¬
truistic and beneficent wills.

The mass of the ruled, from fear or from
laziness, inclines more towards the rulers in
power, and less towards the selfish aspirants
to pow r er and still less towards the altruistic
aspirants to power. These last, sincerely
anxious to help the mass and unwilling to
deceive it, speak to it in terms of crude truth,
nor do they deceive it as do the selfish aspir¬
ants to power with their exaggerated prom¬
ises of greater rights and fewer duties. And
even though thus inclining less towards the
aspirants to power, it obtains successive ad¬
vantages. Because the selfish aspirants to
power — if successful in their attempt for
power, must in part maintain the promises

made — if defeated, they cause the rulers
who remain in power, in order not to fall, to
concede within a little while some part of
what was promised by the aspirants to their
places. The mass, therefore, out of fear or
out of laziness, inclines generally more to¬
wards the rulers in power. But these can
count upon its lazy and timorous faithful¬
ness, upon these three conditions -

1) if they are egotists, on condition
that they repress the intellectual develop¬
ment of the mass and aggravate their own
tyrannical deprivation of liberty of thought,
speech and act;

2) if they are altruists, or if they are
shrewd egotists — who perceive the intellec¬
tual development of the mass in spite of re¬
pressions — on condition of promoting the
intellectual development of the mass and of
alleviating their own tyrannical deprivation
of liberty of thought, speech and act;

3) whether they are egotists or al¬
truists, on condition that their laws — a) are
not too iniquitous, in regard to work , whe¬
ther forced and badly remunerated, or free
and too highly taxed, b ) are applied with
justice, that is, with scrupulousness, L e.,
■without violation of the rights, however
slight, and without aggravation of the du¬
ties, however burdensome, in consideration
of which the ruled have subjected them¬
selves, on the basis of which they have reg¬
ulated their life and by the force of which
they feel their life secure, no matter how
maimed and miserable this may be. And it
is by adhering to this double third condition
that the rulers suffer the slight deprivation
of liberty and independence which they must
nevertheless submit to, in consideration of
the many deprivations of liberty and in¬
dependence to which they oblige the ruled
to submit.

IV.

Justice, injustice and Pardon.

The value of agreements.

The application, therefore, of the rights
and duties prescribed in the laws — if sera-

m COOK 01 JUSTfCi

■

' '

< 6 ?

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

pulously carried out, constitutes justice —
if unscrupulously carried out, constitutes in¬
justice. The iniquity or equity, namely, the
badness or goodness of laws, has, therefore,
nothing to do with their justice or injustice.
As the law may be bad today and good tomor¬
row, or viceversa, according to the badness
or goodness of the men and women who,
being in government, create iniquitous or
equitable rights and duties and make in¬
iquitous or equitable laws — so justice can
today be bad and tomorrow good, or vice-
versa, according to the iniquitous badness or
the equitable goodness of the rights and
duties contained in the laws. That which is
absolutely necessary, in order that the State
may exist, is that justice shall function; that
justice, whether good or bad, according to
the equity or iniquity of the laws, shall be
scrupulously, publicly and punctually ren¬
dered.

An iniquitous law, until it is abolished,
must be so applied. Indeed, such appli¬
cation is the best way to rouse against it the
anger of the mass or the agitation of those
who aspire to rule, and to induce the rulers
to abolish it. A judge, who for reasons of
equity did not apply or distorted such a
law, would, besides being unjust, be even
iniquitous. He would mitigate the irrita¬
tion necessary for its abolition, and would
leave other subjects in the possibility of hav¬
ing it applied by judges less compassionate
and less inclined to equitable excuses or miti¬
gations. Against too harsh a justice there is
the remedy of pardon , which is particular
declared injustice, that is, a particular and
declared inapplication of the law, willed by
the government itself, through particular
statements of law and for the government’s
convenience.

Briefly, law, until it is abolished, must
be sacred. There can be no authority, no
State, no government, if security is lacking-
regarding the enforced application of laws.
And for this reason, and only in this sense,
is justice the basis of every government.
And for this reason the Palace of Justice as
presented in the plans of the World City, is

logically conceived as being even more ma¬
jestic than the Legislative Palace; for law,
which in its prescriptions is perishable and
subject to the changing will of legislators,
must remain firm and sovereign in its ap¬
plication .

In a Palace of Justice occupying the
place of greatest prominence in a Centre
where are gathered the world’s chief in¬
terests, a just application of existing laws
can bring clearly to the minds of all peoples
a knowledge of the equity, iniquity or de¬
ficiency of these laws. Through the legis¬
lative facilities furnished by a World Centre
of Communication the people of all nations
will be able through their representatives, so
to alter existing laws and create new ones as
to form a true code of international equity,
for the enforcement of which it will depend
only upon themselves to create the necessary
authority.

Since therefore law, as we have said,
until it is abolished must be sacred, it is in
this sense that the old erroneous precept —
law is equal for all — is to be transformed.
This precept, badly conceived and badly ex¬
pressed, as a reaction against despotic per¬
versions, is to be transformed thus — respect
for law is equal for all. Thus the precept
clearly means that a law, until repealed,
must be respected by whomsoever has a duty
prescribed in it, corresponding to the relative
right of another. In the old erroneous ex¬
pression, the precept dimmed the essence of
law, which is impository by the domination
of some over others. It sounded — as if law
were productive of equal effects, namely, of
equal rights and duties for everybody — as
if the respect of a law which one has imposed
were the same as the respect of a law which
has been imposed upon one — as if to respect
a law could not be inconvenient and unpleas¬
ant for the one upon whom it has been im¬
posed but as convenient and pleasant as it is
for the one who has imposed it.

And what about rights and duties born
of agreements? What shall we think of the
value of agreements?

A WORLD CENTRE

The value of agreements is effective,
if there exists a governmental authority
which, dominating over the contracting par¬
ties — by law has authorised and regulat¬
ed such agreements — by law has submitted
them to its judicial agents, charged with ex¬
amining and enforcing them in case of con¬
flict — by law has entrusted them to its
militia, charged with having them executed
according to judical decisions and imposi¬
tions. Therefore the value of agreements is
null, if there exists no governmental auth¬
ority that dominates over the contracting
parties.

In .short — agreements contracted within
a vState are valid if they are legally authoris¬
ed by the State which dominates over the
contracting parties — agreements contracted
among several States are valid, if they are
legally authorised by the Interstate author¬
ity which dominates over them — agreements
stipulated by several independent States are
null, as are those stipulated by individuals
without State, because, since in one case they
lack the domination of an Interstate author¬
ity and in the other case they lack the
domination of a State authority, they lack
legal authorisation and consequently value.

But are not morals equivalent to an
obligation for the contracting parties to
fulfil their agreements? Moral obligations
are regulated in scholastical and ecclesiasti¬
cal edifices and are of voluntary execution.
Legal obligations are regulated in judiciary
and military edifices, and are of enforced
execution. If it pleases several States to
remain in the free and anarchical barbarism
of independence in order to be able on oc¬
casion to use this, let it also please them to
run the risk of the free and anarchical fulfil¬
ment or nonfulfilment of the agreements
stipulated for in the turbidity of their bar¬
barous independence. But let those States
and peoples who are tired of and disgusted
with the anarchical uncertainty as to the ful¬
filment or non-fulfilment of stipulated agree¬

ments, unite to create the Centre which will
permit them to bring their governments into
a legal State such as will protect all countries
and people, and facilitate their development
and prosperity by those who are capable of
bringing order out of anarchical chaos, and
maintaining it securely by the authority of
all peoples representatively united in a com¬
mon Centre.

The pentaeogue of the positive foundations

OF GOVERNMENT.

These positive foundations of govern¬
ment need a pillar to rivet them. And here
it is in this pentalogue.

1. There is no justice, if there is no
scrupulous application of rights and duties.

2. There are no rights and duties, if
there is no law which has predetermined
them.

3. There is no law, if there is no auth¬
ority which has dictated or written it, mak¬
ing abrogation of rights and imposition of
duties, making concession of rights and as¬
sumption of duties.

4. There is no authority, if there are no
men and women who, have succeeded in im¬
posing themselves as rulers and in compell¬
ing other men and women to live as ruled
under their law T s. Which may be either in¬
iquitous and bad or equitable and good.

5. There is no equity and goodness in
authorities, in laws, rights, duties and justice

- a) if men and women rulers, because of
their insensible organic conformation, are
still egotists, b) if men and women ruled,
because of their insensible or covrardly or¬
ganic conformation, do not know how to use
their forces of mind, of body and of wealth
against the rulers to compel them to act with
due altruism.

CHAPTER III.

POSITIVE INFERENCES OF GOVERNMENT DERIVED FROM THE
POSITIVE FOUNDATIONS OF GOVERNMENT.

The Positive Foundations of this Science
of Government have clearly defined the true
essence of the principle of authority. It was
indispensable that this should, before all
else, be positively ascertained, in order that
the function of government might be finally
purged of that satanic notion of divine right,
which hitherto has defiled it and has consti¬
tuted the worst of all the outrages perpetrat¬
ed against God, having sought to make God
responsible for all the crimes of government.

These same Positive Foundations of
Government have therefore clearly taught
us that governmental authority belongs to
those who, united in the struggle for exist¬
ence, are strongest in mind, in body and in
wealth — since, on account of these greater
united forces, they secure victorious domina¬
tion in war, so, by these same greater unit¬
ed forces, and through the proceeding of
multiple domination, they assume legal dom¬
ination in peace.

The Positive Inferences of Government,
derived from these Foundations, finally rivet,
with other precise and concise ideas, the com¬
pletive conceptions which every man and
every woman, whatever be the class, party
or faith to which they belong, must have —
i) about liberty and force, which are
the two supreme words of government — a-
bout the triple significance which the word
force must have, in order not to be ambi¬
guous and erroneous;

2) about civilisation, which is a pro¬
gressive word of progressive government, ac¬
cording to whether this is local only or world¬
wide, and according to whether, in being
local or world-wide, it is less egotistical and
less violent, both on the part of rulers in the
use they make of their domination, and of
the ruled in the use they make of their dec¬
alogue ;

3) about war and peace, which are
words of anarchical barbarism and impos¬
sible justice in contrast to the words legality
and revolution, which are words of govern¬
mental civilisation and possible justice;

4) about Fatherland, which is the
sacred word of government, as long as it is
not degenerate and corrupt;

5) pentalogue of the Positive Infer¬
ences of Government.

Liberty and Force are the two supreme

WORDS OF GOVERNMENT.

These are words “which must first of all
be understood exactly, if we are to be able
to speak seriously of even the slightest po¬
litical event. If in our time there are still
so many political mystifications, meaningless
speeches, scribblings and infamies, the rea¬
son is largely because humanity has not a

8 o

A WORLD CENTRE

clear idea of the meaning of these two words
which therefore remain supremely ambig¬
uous.

Life is movement in struggle. Natu¬
rally, therefore, liberty must be supremely
dear to everybody, in order to be able to move
and struggle as seems best and most pleasing.
But civilised coexistence is impossible with¬
out government, that is, without reduction
of liberty for everybody, although this reduc¬
tion operates very much less for the rulers
and very much more for the ruled. There¬
fore they are wise who aim at not too much
liberty for the riders and not too little liberty
for the ruled, i. e., at much liberty for every¬
body, compatibly however with the good
functioning of government. And they are
unwise who still speak of national independ¬
ences not knowing that they use a foolish
phrase — a worn out tool.

As primitive men and their near descend¬
ants saved themselves from the unlimited
liberty of anarchy, bv organising their strug¬
gle for existence in a despotic and tyrannical
government, so their more distant descend¬
ants, with greater cerebral superiority, ex¬
tricated themselves from the too much and
too little liberty of despotic and tyrannical
government, by organising their struggle for
existence into a constitutional government,
at first not scientific but empirical, i, e., ex¬
perimental, and not world-wide but local,
only afterwards scientific and world-wide.
That which it is urgent to note here, in con¬
firmation of our assumption, is the existence
of certain proportions or relations between
classes. For instance wdxere there is either
anarchical or tyrannical liberty existing, then
the life of the ruled, because of their little
liberty is only slightly superior to that of
beasts in breeding slavery, and the life of rul¬
ers, because of their too much liberty is only
slightly superior to that of authoritative in¬
sects arrived at the stage of government.

The conditions of States and their gov¬
ernments depend on their relation and degree
of liberty, as well as on the following factors
— the extent to which the population is

subjected to enforced military service and
labour, which render the life of the majority
now fatiguing, rationed and guarded, now
suppressed, and thus deprived of reason for
and possibility of spontaneously developing
individual faculties of thought and beauty —
the freedom or lack of freedom from vex¬
atious and overtaxed work, which renders
the life of the majority breathless, precarious
and strangling, and thus deprived of time
for self development — the existence or
non-existence of governmental or wealthy
leisure, which renders the life of a minority
parasitical, cruel and full of reason for and
time to develop individual faculties of vice
rather than of thought, and produces in
many of the rich a stupidity equal to that
of many of the poor, so that, many of the
rich pay for their superfluities at the dear
price of vicious stupidity, produced by fatty
degeneration, while many of the poor pay
for their misery at the dear price of vicious
stupidity, produced by rotten degeneration.
In proportion to the existence or action of
these factors men and women —

1) can be capable of a less insect-like
and more human government;

2) can enjoy government scientific
rather than empirical, world-wide rather
than local;

3) can become always less brutish,
always more civilised, always more human.

Liberty, therefore, must be much for
everybody, although more for the rulers
than for the ruled — that is to say, not the
unequally distributed liberty of tyranny, and
especially not the unlimited liberty of anar¬
chy. Because this, leaving all men and
women independent and unlimitedly free in
the exercise of their forces — permits the
gross man to rob and to kill, if there is not
a stronger one to stop him — permits the
dirty little man to allow himself unseemly
licence in the street and to infect the air for
everybody, if he finds nobody to drive him
away — leaves everybody, in fact, without a
moment of real liberty and tranquillity, and

POSITIVE SCIENCE OE GOVERNMENT

subject to the clash of opposing volitions —
leaves everybody continually subject, to con¬
fusions, disputes, violences, deriving not
only from the struggle for existence, but
also from simple dissensions inherent to co¬
existence — renders everybody powerless to
rise above the life of beasts, but forever con¬
strained to provide for the urgent require¬
ments of existence amidst continual deceits,
offences and defences, without leisure to
turn the mind toward superior, vital and
pleasant occupations beyond that of the ur¬
gent struggle for existence, without pos¬
sibility to develop individual faculties of
thought and beauty in the civilised indus¬
tries of trade, art, medicine, family and
religion.

Thus we have well understood the word
liberty. And it is because of having thus
well understood it, that we can now examine
thoroughly the word force, which is a still
more supreme and ambiguous word.

Force is a more supreme word. Be¬
cause life is force. Because coexistence is
a conflict of forces, and government is the
ordered domination and predomination of
forces. Because liberty itself is possible in¬
asmuch as there is a greater force capable of
guaranteeing it. Because violence, as it is
a most important concrete means by which
a good and courageous man or woman can
prevent another man or woman from com¬
mitting a bad action — as it is a most impor¬
tant concrete means by which rulers can
triumph over anarchy, enforce their laws
and inflict the punishments threatened in
these against rebels or revolutionists, against
the insane or ignorant who attempts to resist
— so it is a most important concrete means
by which the ruled can rise against and resist
the iniquitous laws or the injustices of rulers.

But force of body is not the only one; it
is one of the three forces of which men and
women dispose and of which both rulers and
ruled can but dispose. An authority which
does not dispose of the force of thought is
absurd, and if it makes a sporadic appear¬
ance, soon disappears in derision. An auth¬

ority which does not dispose of force of
wealth is absurd, and, if it sporadically ap¬
pears, is soon rendered impotent. An auth¬
ority which does not dispose of force of body
to compel obedience by violence, is inchoate
and ridiculous and, if it arises, is soon remov¬
ed. So soon that, even if it disposes of the
other two forces of thought and of money,
it will have no time to use them in the fury
of the onslaught to which it will be subjected.
On the other hand, the ruled who from fear
of undergoing the penalties to be inflicted,
do not dare to use their forces of mind, of
body and of wealth, even with violence, a-
gainst the iniquities or injustices of gover¬
nors, deserve to be daily oppressed by these
governors and whipped for their amusement.
It is for this that, at bottom, governing can
be defined as the science of violence employ¬
ed for the bettering of co-existence, with the
assistance, be it understood, of the forces of
thought and of wealth without which the
violent force of body cannot long function.

Force, therefore, besides being a su¬
preme word, is also an ambiguous word, be¬
cause till now only the force of the fist which
strikes blows or of the firearm which ex¬
plodes, has been vulgarly thought of as force,
to the exclusion of that of the mind which
moves bodies, fists and firearms, and that of
wealth, which moves minds, bodies, fists and
firearms. And yet it would not have been
difficult to expose the error in this wide¬
spread vulgar opinion. It ivould have been
enough to say : — Remain seated and hold
in your hand a hundred dollar bill, saying
that in return for it a case must be moved or
a rascal thrown out. Your arms and legs
will remain placid, but many arms and legs,
instead of yours, will at once begin to stir
and in a few T moments the case and the rascal
will be thrown out together. Here your
force of money has transformed itself into
force of body. Similarly you may be poor
and ill, but intelligent, in the midst of foolish
people who do not know how to escape a
danger. Make a gesture, say a few words,
suggest quickly from your intelligence how
the danger is to be averted by the use of
a little money. Immediately pocketbooks

§2

A WORLD CENTRE

will open before you, as if you, who are poor
and ill, were a colossal brigand who had said,
« Your money or your life », and a mingling
of arms, legs and bodies will obey your ges¬
ture. Here your force of mind, has trans¬
formed itself into force of wealth and of
body. Finally, you may have but little
egotistic force of mind, little force of body
and little force of wealth, but an immense
altruistic love which shows your firm and
heroic intention of sacrificing your life for
the suppression of that of a tyrant or evil
person. You will see many forces of mind,
of accomplices and of means organise them¬
selves enthusiastically about you. You will
see as many other trembling forces arrayed
as decrees and as spies, as guards and as am¬
munition organise themselves against you.
The tyrant and the guards will not sleep,
being under the constant stimulus of fear.
Your accomplices and friends will sleep but
little, having to prepare the plot and the
means of their escape. And you, ingenuous,
exhausted, poor, with only the force of your
true intellect of love, will have become the
hope of some and the terror of others, you
will have moved according to your will so
many forces of mind, of body and of wealth.

Popular misconception of the word is af¬
ter all natural, for the swinging of arms and
fists are things that can be seen — often
felt — so that it was easy for even the most
obtuse to recognise that there was force in
them. The reflections of the cerebral cel-
lulae, correlative with the received and stor¬
ed sensorial vibrations, are not seen, neither
are the impulses seen that they give to the
speaking tongue or to the pugnacious arm.

What is not natural is that the modern
man, presumptuous in his intellectuality and
culture, should not have created for himself
a political science — a science of government
founded on the domination and predomi¬
nation of the forces of mind, of body and of
wealth among coexisting peoples.

It is at this we aim, and we can already
consider the word force as rehabilitated in its
great triple significance. That the force of

government has till now often been in more
or less unworthy hands, that it is, even now,
in the hands of more or less egotistic rulers,
is no reason to believe that it will not finally
reach the worthy hands of altruistic gover¬
nors. Nor is it a reason to pronounce the
word force with disdain or terror. If we
imagine Christ not as redeemer, formulating
moral precepts (be if understood of habitual
ways of thinking and acting), and with these
influencing rulers and ruled ; if instead we
imagine him as statesman, full of intellect
and goodness, but also armed, in one hand
with a sack of gold coins, in the other with
a machine gun to make goodness prevail over
the wickedness of egotistic wretches — we
shall feel sympathy and fascination for the
word force, and be able to conceive how much
better Christian people would have become
if such had been the case, instead of remain¬
ing as they have done so full of imposture.
Therefore enough of prejudices and miscon¬
ceptions.

Force is the greatest of all words, the
word which governs the universe, regulat¬
ing it in the movement of the stars as of
molecules, and regulating it the more beauti¬
fully the more its varied and complex forces
develop not in independence and unlimited
liberty, but in dependence and limited liber¬
ty, that is, the order of the domination of the
greater over the less. Force is the word
which binds the universe. And the universe
— just as it falls into disorder when its forces,
with their inherent instinct to varify them¬
selves in the prodigality of life, clash, balanc¬
ed and equivalent, in temporary indepen¬
dence — so it returns to order only when in¬
dependence ceases and a new dominance of
greater forces, in varied and more or less
progressed form, imposes itself with a new
beauty over the lesser forces.

To render the force of men and women
ever less barbarous and more civilised, to
render it ever more beautiful, there is noth¬
ing better therefore than to give it a scien¬
tific state. It is at this we aim. It is at this
that together we must arrive in the disorder
and from the disorder of the present war.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

II.

Civilisation is a progressive word

OF PROGRESSIVE GOVERNMENT.

Civilisation, we know in fact, begins
with the passing from anarchy to govern¬
ment — from anarchy which renders men
and women’s struggle for existence bar¬
barous, to government which renders it or¬
ganised, that is, brought within prescribed
limits and ways, and therefore not continual,
and therefore not thick with deceits, trick¬
eries, homicides and wars. Because it is
derived from the passing from the unorganis¬
ed struggle for existence, it can but begin
by being rude in its essence and ways. Civ¬
ilisation, therefore, which in the beginning
is necessarily rude, in proportion to the
rudeness of sensibility, of conduct and of
struggle of the men and women who con¬
stitute the first government, and in propor¬
tion therefore to the rude form of this first
government, cannot help progressing and
becoming always more refined in proportion
as, first the men and women who constitute
the rulers, then the men and women who
constitute the ruled, become refined in sen¬
sibility, in ways and in struggle; in propor¬
tion therefore as the form of government
itself becomes refined.

Consequently, the progress of civilisa¬
tion moves naturally in relation with the
way in which men and women conduct their
struggle for existence. This struggle for
existence, as we know, ceases to be barba¬
rous, begins to be civilised and generates civ¬
ilisation, when it ceases to be anarchical,
when it begins to be organised and when it
generates government.

Civilisation is therefore, in strict relation
with the struggle for existence and with gov¬
ernment. Consequently — a) it is local only,
as long as the struggle for existence is or¬
ganised only among separate groups of men
and women, that is, as long as only local
governments exist, b ) it becomes world-nnde
when the struggle for existence becomes or¬
ganised, when all the men and women of

the earth, not only in their aggregates but in
their totality, have ceased living in anarchy,
have organised their struggle for existence
— when, that is, they have produced a com¬
mon world-wide government for their com¬
mon affairs, namely, for their affairs that are
not of the State only but interstatal, c) being
only local, that is to say, not yet world-wide,
it becomes ever more refined, ever more hu¬
mane, in proportion to the following prog¬
resses made by men and women in their
struggle for existence : —

1) in proportion as men and women,
whether rulers or ruled, in making use of
their forces, conform to ever more equitable
conceptions, that is, to conceptions ever less
egotistic and ever more altruistic ;

2) in proportion as men and women,
whether rulers or ruled, renounce disloyalty
in the use of their force of mind, renounce
ferocity in the use of their force of body,
renounce prostitution in the use of their force
of wealth;

3) in proportion as, either on account
of rulers’ rivalry, or of revolutions of the
ruled — a) despotism, with its inherent tyr¬
anny and slavery, is diminished and finally
abolished, b) vain pretences to govern with¬
out real supremacy of force are diminished,
and finally suppressed, by means no longer
of blind but of conscious and controlled par¬
ticipation of the mass in the governmental
process of multiple domination, and con¬
sequently by means of agreed constitutional
rules, which cause the authority of govern¬
ment to be always in the hands of those who
at the time are really strongest, i. e., who at
the time really have greater force of mind,
of body and of wealth and therefore greater
reason for governmental domination, c) equi¬
ty triumphs in the laws, and justice rules
the State — in proportion as, the organisa¬
tion of government becomes such as to
facilitate the development of the highest
human faculties, and to raise human life.

The statement that in proportion as the
use of disloyalty, ferocity and prostitution

A WORLD CENTRE

is renounced so does government become
more civilised, does not mean therefore the
exclusion of the use of these things in the
function of government. As long as the
rulers and ruled are, by their egotistic and
base natures, induced to make rise of disloy¬
alty, ferocity and prostitution, it is natural
that they should make use of these and that
government should function by means of
them, producing a State of civilisation cer¬
tainly base, but always preferable to the non-
State of anarchy and barbarism.

Similarly with regard to ferocity, we do
not mean to suggest that rulers and ruled
can renounce the use of violence. We know
that this forms part of the force of body and
is a most important concrete means — a) by
which authority can triumph over anarchy,
enforce its laws and execute the penalties
threatened in them against the rebel or
revolutionist, the insane or ignorant who
may try to resist, b ) by which the ruled can
rise and resist against the iniquitous laws
and injustices of rulers. But — as ferocity
remains excluded from violence, in propor¬
tion as men and women render their struggle
for existence less brutish and more humane
— so violence can remain latent and inactive
in government, in proportion as men and
women continue to refine their civilisation.

Similarly, since rebellion and revolution
are the two violent and extreme means of
resistance in the hands of the governed, it is
natural that, in proportion as civilisation be¬
comes refined, they .should be used after the
other means, — a) after those means which
are not violent and not extreme, such as
claims, petitions, adverse propaganda, de¬
monstrations, have been used, b ) after those
means which are less violent and less ex¬
treme, such as insult, damaging revenge,
injurious revenge, mortal revenge. And it
is natural that insult, because consisting of
merely oral violence, should be used before
either damaging, or injurious or mortal re¬
venge, in which violence becomes material
and increases; while it is also natural that it
should be used with the full abundance that
language offers.

If the history of all the truths which
humanity today holds indisputable could be
written, it would be perceived that the pro¬
ceeding in these matters was always the same
and approximates to the following conclu¬
sions : —

1) obstinate resistance on the part of
some — lovers of truth in word, but, in fact,
lovers only of such crumbs of truth as are
not contrary, but rather profitable to their
own interests;

2) avalanche of bad words, poured out
first by a few, then by many, then by very
many against those who, undone and an¬
nihilated, eventually disappear beneath it,
while truth, with effort, imposes itself in¬
disputably.

If such a history of truth could be writ¬
ten, oral violences would have to be prais¬
ed as having been very useful to human
learning.

And if the history of politics could also
be written, oral violence would be praised as
having been beneficial also to human civi¬
lisation. Because we should have to agree
that insult, as the first degree of only oral
violence, has often served in governmental
struggles to favour justice and equity, and
to avoid greater material violences, such as
damage, injurious or mortal revenges, and
such extremes as rebellions and revolutions.
We should have to deplore the fact that
the ruled (not even the Germans) had not
thought of organising a sort of public insult
service against the rulers who were either
iniquitous in their laws or unjust in applying
them. A service by which such rulers, day
and night, in their offices, in streets, restau¬
rants and theatres, at every moment of their
daily lives, should be subjected to vituper¬
ation. Such a service, at the disposition of
the organised masses, would have produced
more valid results than vituperation by in¬
dividuals and isolated insults. It would
have persuaded many men in government to
withdraw and relieve the country of their
nullity or unworthiness.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

III.

War and peace are barbarous words, that

IS, WORDS OF BARBAROUS ANARCHY AND OF

NONEXISTENT GOVERNMENT.

War and peace are barbarous words.
They are words related to the independence,
to the unlimited liberty and to the 11011-State
in which men and women or their aggre¬
gates, still find themselves. Appropriate
words when men and women’s struggle for
existence is not yet carried on in govern¬
ment and! civilisation, i. e., when it is
still carried on in anarchy and barbarism.
Words, therefore, which begin to have no
reason for persisting as soon as men and
women emerge from the primitive non-State
of anarchical barbarism.

From the moment in which men and
women group themselves in the State of gov¬
ernment, rear and peace, the two words of
their anarchical struggle, give way to legal¬
ity and revolution, which are the two opposite
words of governmental struggle.

Legality and revolution are therefore
civilised words, in contrast to the words war
and peace which are barbarous words. Both
sets of words explain themselves by their
distinctive circles here arranged.

Circle of the struggle for
existence in anarchy.

War

peace

war

Circle of the struggle for
existence in government.
Legality
revolution
legality

In anarchy — war is continuity, peace is
transitoriness — war is the normal way of
daily violence, by which men and women can
and do struggle; peace is the abnormal way
of suspended violence, by which men and
women, because of a stipulated trace, can
and do struggle.

In government — legality is continuity;
revolution is transitoriness — legality is the
normal way of laws, sentences and compul¬
sion, by which men and women can and do
struggle; revolution is the abnormal way of
recurrent anarchical violence, by which men
and women, because of a pause in legality,
can and do struggle.

The peaceful pause in war occurs not by
law but by autonomous and, uncoercive a-
greements, for among belligerents an auth¬
ority is lacking from which alone can pro¬
ceed a law giving validity to agreements and
rendering them coercive. Therefore peace

— occurring not by lav/ but by invalid and
unenforceable agreements — does not pro¬
duce either rights or duties in a positive
sense, and therefore much less can it produce
justice.

The revolutionary pause in legality oc¬
curs against the authority of the governors
and tends to overthrow the validity of the
laws — paralyzes the rights and duties con¬
tained in the laws, which only in case of a
revolutionary victory can become void, and
therefore also paralyzes justice.

The peaceful pause in war occurs —
either for the convenience of the victorious
combatant and because of the resignation
of the other, who, while he accepts the peace
which is a pause in war, prepares himself
for the renewal of war — or because of the
exhaustion of both combatants, who agree to
the restoration of peace in order, sooner or
later, to renew the war. Therefore peace,
occurring among anarchists, contrarily to re¬
volution, which occurs among legalitarians

— is underlaid by rights and duties that are
void, and moreover ends by not producing
justice.

The revolutionary pause in legality oc¬
curs — with defence of legality and justice
on the part of the assailed governors, who
are interested in having the rights and duties
contained in their violated laws respected —
with tendency toward legality and justice on
the part of the governors in aspiration, who
are interested in obtaining respect for the
rights and duties to be contained in their
various laws proposed in conformity with
the aims of the revolution. Therefore re¬
volution, breaking out among legalitarians,
in contradistinction to peace which occurs
among anarchists — is underlaid by rights
and duties in existence or in embryo, and
ends by producing justice.

A WORLD CENTRE

The peaceful pause in war, briefly, prom¬
ises little observance of peace agreements,
because — a) it lacks rights, duties and jus¬
tice in a positive sense, b) because from peace
war must sooner or later be re-created, and
the peace agreements entered into may prove
ruinous to one or other of the combatants or
to both : ruinous for the continuation of war.
Which, in spite of peace and friendship
phrases, was interrupted only in order to be
taken up again sooner or later, and can be
more advantageously renewed precisely by
not observing the peace agreements. To be
at peace, that is, to be in a state of pause from
the normal non-State of war, means to be in
latent anarchical enmity, that is, to have no
ties producing a comprehensive sense of the
adversary’s anguish; it means to be barba¬
rous friends in order later to be barbarous
enemies. And toward the future barbarous
enemy, with whom one had, one has and one
will have no real ties, one does not like to use
acts of respect, such as the observance of
agreements. One may wish to use them,
provided that -when used they do not turn
to his advantage in future war : provided
that in future war they do not become a dis¬
advantage to the observer of them. Because
disadvantage in war means almost certain
death. And almost certain death means
renunciation of the aim of war, which is that
of suppressing the adversary’s life in order
to preserve one’s own and to have the great¬
est possible anarchical domination.

The revolutionary pause in legality, on
the other hand, promises great observance of
the revolution agreements, because legality
was interrupted during the revolution only
to be taken up later, and can be so much
better taken up through the observance of
the revolution agreements. To be in revo¬
lution, namely, in a pause of the normal state
of legality, means to be in latent govern¬
mental friendship, that is, to have ties pro¬
ducing a comprehensive sense of the adver¬
sary’s anguish; it means to be civilised en¬
emies in order later to be civilised friends.
And to the present civilised enemy, with
w T hom one has not, but one had and will have
real ties, one likes to use acts of respect, such

as the observance of agreements. One can
use them even if, when used, they turn to
his advantage in future legality : even if, in
future legality, they turn to the disadvantage
of him who uses them. Because disadvan¬
tage in legality does not mean almost certain
death, like disadvantage in war : it means
danger of failure in the aim of the revolution
— which is that of overthrowing the adver¬
sary’s authority in order to substitute one’s
own and to have the greatest possible govern¬
mental domination.

He who first said that peace treaties were
scraps of paper, showed himself clever in af¬
firming the fact, because, enlightened by
success, he had produced in himself a relief
from false teachings, and intuitive compre¬
hension and sincerity of speech, but he did
not show to advantage in his explanation of
the fact, because, obscured by the subsequent
failure, he had reproduced in himself the
weight of false teachings, dullness of compre¬
hension and hypocrisy of speech.

As long as the barbarous system of wars
lasts, peace treaties, which pretend to prevent
them, in reality are nothing but scraps of
paper.

First of all, because they are framed be¬
tween independent States, namely, among
States which, still being in anarchical bar¬
barism that is, not yet having above them
an international authority disposing of inter¬
national laws, judges and militia, and by
these conferring legal value upon their agree¬
ments — are in the non-State of declared or
latent aggression and in the possible neces¬
sity of violating their agreements. These
latter consequently, have not a legal value
such as private contracts acquire from State
laws : they have, from their origin, a bene¬
volent or moral or null value, that is, they
are from their origin what private contracts
become on the day when a revolutionary out¬
break overthrows the State authority, with
all its laws, judges and militia, rendering con¬
tracts valid or not valid according to the
good or ill will of the contracting parties, ac¬
cording to whether they find it convenient

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

to respect them or necessary to repudiate
them.

Then, because they occur after wars or
under the menace of wars, they should
more properly be called knife peace agree¬
ments or dagger treaties. And it is not to
be wondered at that, endured by the weak
under such impositions, such treaties are by
these same people, upon the first suitable oc¬
casion, violated with sublime treachery, by
means of a new war, which may give them
the means of dominating over their adver¬
saries and of reconquering the advantageous
conditions lost or of conquering more advan¬
tageous ones. One should, moreover, be
glad that it is thus with peace agreements
and treaties, for one should rejoice that the
weak and conquered and subjected should feel
ambitious to become strong and powerful.

As long as, briefly, the barbarous system
of wars lasts, every man who is not abject,
every militarist who is not a mere fop, must
certainly desire his own people’s victory;
but, for the honour of the human species, he
must also desire to see the conquered people
quiver for vengeance and at a suitable time
succeed in taking it; he must desire his own
people to be again victorious, and the alter¬
nation of victories and defeats to be perenni¬
al among peoples.

Someone once wrote a History of Peace
Treaties, and it could only have been a pro¬
fessor who would undertake such a task.
Otherwise the author would have demon¬
strated that the only real value of peace a-
greements and treaties is always that of be¬
ing the delineators of future wars, and he
would have done better to entitle his work
The History of Peace Perjuries. But with
such history he would not have made his ca¬
reer, and if he had written it before gaining
his chair, he would certainly not have obtain¬
ed it.

From all this the antithesis between the
words war and peace, legality and revolution
becomes clear. The word peace is a tran¬
sition from one war to another war. The

word revolution is a transition from one le¬
gality to another legality. The fact that the
peaceful transition takes place with a blood¬
less struggle and the revolutionary transi¬
tion occurs with a bloody struggle, does not
render ephemeral peace preferable to prob¬
able revolution. Peace leads certainly to the
anarchical and barbarous bloodiness of war,
and the word peace must be despised for this
reason, as well as for the foolish interpre¬
tation given to it of absence of struggle,
which we know exists only in death. Revo¬
lution leads certainly to the governmental
and civilised bloodlessness of legality, and
the word revolution must be esteemed for
this reason, as well as for its wise meaning
of extreme resistance against the govern¬
mental iniquities and injustices which caus¬
ed it. After all, the word revolution is al¬
ready esteemed. As it leads to bloodless
legality, and permits respect among its actors
who are not barbarous enemies but enemies
already more or less civilised, it takes place
in practice with much less violence than war.
It operates with a violence which, from the
fact of its being less than the violence of war
rather than from the fact of its occurring a-
rnong fellow-citizens, has caused revolution to
be commonly considered and called civil war,
that is, a war very different from war proper¬
ly so called. This, arising among enemies
in barbarous anarchy, is and must be atro¬
cious,, that is, carried on with every means
likely to secure the victory for one side or
the other in order to attain its aim and not
allow it to be reduced to a ridiculous duel.

And from what we have so far under¬
stood, it is also clearly to be seen that, whe¬
reas war can be abolished, revolution can
only be avoided.

War can be abolished, and will be, when
upon earth there will be no more men and
women in anarchy, that is, when finally
humanity will have succeeded in creating
an International Centre, an International
Authority, an International Government
which — by International Laws applied
through sentences, and by an International
Army and Navy commissioned to make

A WORLD CENTRE

them respected — will impose International
Rights and Duties, will create International
Legality and Justice, will bring into being,
besides local government and local civili¬
sation, also world-wide government and
world-wide civilisation. Which, if in the
beginning it is but little humane, can later
become always more so.

Revolution cannot be abolished, as re¬
bellion cannot be abolished, as homicide
cannot be abolished. Because, for the ex¬
istence of homicide one person who kills
another is enough;; to create rebellion one
man who, with reason or madness, rises
against the Head or an agent of the auth¬
ority, is sufficient; to produce revolution a
few governors or aspirants to government
suffice. For this purpose a few rulers who
abuse power, either by iniquitous laws, or
by injustices, among which is that of prevent¬
ing the ruled from using their forces, within
the permitted limits, suffice. Likewise a
few aspirants to government who, either be¬
cause of secret influence, or because of the
public welfare, think their rise to govern¬
ment urgent, believe their forces to'( be
superior to those of the rulers and imagine
themselves able therewith to go beyond the
permitted legal limits, in order to drive such
rulers from government and substitute them¬
selves in their stead, will be found to be suf¬
ficient to create the condition of revolution.
Revolution, like homicide and rebellion, can
certainly be avoided. Homicide is in fact
avoided, through better education of the
masses, through greater equity and just ob¬
servance of the laws. Rebellions can also
be thus avoided. Revolution, therefore, can
also be thus avoided, and especially through
the observance of these two conditions :

1) by taking care that the government¬
al authority — through observance of the
rules concerning it which may have been es¬
tablished — shall always be in the hands of
those who at the time are really strongest,
that is, who at the moment really have the
greatest force of mind, of body and of wealth;

2) by taking care that the rulers in
power do not abuse their superior force, that

is to say, by ensuring that they behave with
such wisdom and such equity as to cut short
every impatient and violent impulse in those
who aspire to government, and avert their
every temptation to substitute themselves in
government through more hasty means of
authority than those agreed upon for the
ascertainment of forces and recognition of
authority.

IV.

Fatherland is the sacred word

OE GOVERNMENT.

Fatherland is a sacred word. Human
civilisation, whether local or world-wide,
is inconceivable without the conception of
Fatherland, even as family, which is an
element of civilisation, is inconceivable with¬
out the conception of father. The word
Fatherland — which is connected with the
word father, because the father has already
imposed his paternal domination over his
family when he prepares to impose his gov¬
ernmental domination over his neighbours —
is, in short, comprised in the first degree of
civil-governmental organisation, and is as
sacred as the word father.

Civilisation, in fact, is born of a few
strong men and women, who certainly or¬
ganise themselves in governing domination
to put an end to the barbarism of their neigh¬
bours’ anarchy and to impose upon them the
duties of subject obedience, but who, at the
same time — partly because of altruistic
regard felt toward them, partly in consider¬
ation of latent forces in these subjects to be
held in restraint — assume toward them du¬
ties of support and protection. Civilisation,
in fact, is born of the same few strong men
and women, who, a little earlier in the his¬
torical development of man, had united in
parental domination, to put an end to the
barbarism of sexual promiscuity and to im¬
pose upon women and children duties of
wifely and filial obedience, but who at the
same time — because of altruistic regard felt
toward them, more than in consideration of
their latent forces to be possibly kept docile

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

— had assumed toward them duties of sup¬
port and protection.

There is, therefore, no civilisation with¬
out Fatherland, and there is no Fatherland
which does not exercise reciprocal functions
similar to those of a father.

A father who exerts his authority over
the members of his family and draws profit
from their obedient services, but does not
provide for the living of all in a way gradu¬
ally proportioned to his own, is a selfish
father who does not deserve respect and obe¬
dience. Similarly a Fatherland that exer¬
cises its authority over its children and draws
profit from their obedient services, but does
not provide for the living of all in a way gra¬
duated and proportioned to that enjoyed by
those who impersonate its heads is a selfish
Fatherland, which does not deserve respect
and obedience.

A father who in the hour of defence or
aggrandisement of his interests, declares it
is a question of defending and aggrandising
the interests of his sons, and calls them
first authoritatively with fatherly domin¬
ation, then tenderly one by one by their
names, who clothes and arms, feeds and
caresses them, exalts their family devotion,
and with promises of common welfare in¬
duces them to sacrifice their work, their af¬
fections and their lives, but who then after¬
wards, when the hour of sacrifice is past,
denies them, abandons them and their women
and their children to lack of work, of clothing
and of food, is an imposter, a false and cor¬
rupt father. Similarly a Fatherland whose
government in the hour of defence or aggran¬
disement of the interests of rulers and their
adherents, declares authoritatively that it is
a question of defending and aggrandising the
interests of the governed, and calls them first
authoritatively one by one by their conscrip¬
tion names — that is, belonging to their res¬
idual slavery — then conjures them with
words of faith and clothes and arms and feeds
them, provides them with hoods and gloves
against the cold, with sweets and cigarettes
as tit-bits, exalts their patriotic devotion, and

with promises of common welfare induces
them to sacrifice their work, their affections
and their lives, but afterwards, when the
hour of sacrifice is past, denies them, aban¬
dons them with their women and children to
lack of work, of clothing and of food (unless
they later make themselves recognised as
criminals and can enjoy these things in pri¬
son) is an imposter, a false and corrupt Fath¬
erland.

The Fatherland, in a true sense, ensures
domination to those strongest in mind, body
or wealth, who conquer it in government;
ensures domination to those, strongest in
mind, body or wealth, who conquer it in
professions, trades, arts and commerce; but
it does not tolerate that its dominators and
rulers, whether governmental or private,
shall live with superfluous wealth — while
some of its subjects, boys and girls, seeds of
God, lack the necessary care to become men
and women — while men and women, chil¬
dren of God, lack work, are deprived of ne¬
cessities, are compelled to the shame of
miserj? and charity, of prostitution or crime,
compelled to be an uneducated and rough
mob, which must remain in spirit eternally
base. A Fatherland which has a govern¬
ment that produces and tolerates such a state
of things, is a Fatherland inferior to that
tyrannical first degree of civilisation, born
through patriarchal domination over sup¬
ported and protected slaves. And those who
create such Fatherlands by their egotistic
greed, are less civilised than the first bar¬
barians who took the earliest steps towards
organised existence. They offer to the peo¬
ple a government, certainly, in place of an
anarchy, but a government monstrously rich
with patriotic rights and monstrously poor in
patriotic duties.

Pentalogue of the positive inferences

OF GOVERNMENT.

These positive inferences of government
also need a pillar to support them. And here
it is in this second Pentalogue.

A WORLD CENTRE

1. Life is not peace, but struggle — un¬
like death which is peace.

2. Domination by the strongest is the
way in which the struggle for existence can
develop best, and the end of life be best at¬
tained. Because domination means ruled
order, which imposes itself upon anarchical
disorder.

In fact, the universal struggle for domi¬
nation begins, a) among the heavenly bodies,
where the greater dominate the lesser, com¬
pelling them to move as much as possible
within the orbits allowed them, b ) ends among
the cells of which the various bodies living
upon the heavenly ones are formed, their
strongest cells being those which dominate
over the others.

3. The strongest bodies, among those of
which a State is composed, are those which,
by universal law, must dominate and do
dominate over the others — over the wretch¬
ed ones incapable of prevailing — over the
decadents who are condemned to be subjected
or to disappear as a penalty for their vices.

Similarly, the strongest States, among
those of which humanity is composed, are
those which, by universal law, must dominate
and do dominate over the others — over the
wretched who may never hope to rise to im¬
portance — over the decadent, condemned to
be subjected or to disappear as penalty for
their deterioration.

4. If with serene scientific observation,
the elements are analyzed by which the gov¬
ernment of a city or nation — as much after
a civil war, i. e., after a despotic struggle, as
after an election, i. e., a representative strug¬
gle — reaches the hands of those persons who
attain to government, it will be perceived
that they, at the moment, comprise within
themselves the greatest collective force, a) of
mind, honestly or dishonestly, directive, b ) of
bodies, disciplined and actively supporting,
c ) of financial means, openly or covertly used.
It will be perceived that they can, by armed
violence of laws, of judges and of militia,

dominate and impose themselves as governors
over all other persons who, having relatively
less force of mind, of body, of money, must
resign themselves to remain submissive as
governed until they are able to rise to greater
force of mind, body and wealth, and so domi¬
nate and impose themselves in their turn by
armed violence of laws, of judges and of
militia, as new rulers.

In the force of mind, of body and of
wealth lies, therefore, the positive basis for
authority and function of government. And
the Science of Government is nothing but
the science of domination, that is, at bottom,
the science of violence. This is iniquitous
and demoniacal or equitable and holy, accord¬
ing to the egotistic or altruistic nature of
those who represent the government, and
who, whosoever they may be — cause the
struggle for existence to develop better in
order than in disorder.

5. The words a force, struggle and domi¬
nation » are therefore the most scientific of
all in matter of government. They show us
that, as in the past egotists struggled against
altruists and dominated governmentally, be¬
cause they were strongest in mind, in sup¬
porters and wealth, so in the future altruists
will struggle against egotists and dominate
governmentally, because they will know how
to make themselves strongest in mind, in
supporters and in wealth, by making better
use of the 10 means of resistance which the
ruled will have against the rulers. For it is
by these ten listed means, graduated through
various degrees of violence from not-violent
to extremely violent, combined with the
means of enforcing penalties, that the relative
civilisation attained by men and women 011
earth has been produced. Claims, by mak¬
ing known to the rulers a need or an injustice

— petitions, by indicating to them the mea¬
sure thought advantageous for the need or
against the injustice — adverse propaganda,
by weakening their governmental authority

— demonstrations, by giving them the oppor¬
tunity of counting their visible adversaries
and calculating their invisible ones — insults,
by poisoning their life — damaging revenges,

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

by impoverishing it — injurious revenges, by
endangering it — mortal revenge by remov¬
ing them from life — rebellions, by lessening
the authority of their government — revolu¬
tions, by overthrowing their governments
and themselves — all of them constitute the
half score means of resistance which have

greatly aided and will aid in opening the
minds of rulers, in curbing their egotism, in
urging them towards the passing of more
equitable laws and juster applications of
them, for a better human coexistence and a
higher human civilisation for mankind in
the future.

■

CHAPTER IV.

SCIENTIFIC NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONS.
THE INTERNATIONAL CONSTITUTION.

The State cannot for ever remain defiled
by its two original malignant sores. It is
impossible that the States should not finally
be cured of them, by means of these or of
other new and positive conceptions of govern¬
ment, which, penetrating into the mind of
humanity, will produce, like a miraculous
serum, the great and much sought-after
cure.

Given, therefore, that governmental
domination — or rather legal domination and
governmental authority — belongs to those
who are in fact united and strongest in mind,
in body and in wealth;

given that despotism is only a partially
positive and scientific way of governing, the
more so if it mocks at God and uses the
Satanic discovery of divine right;

given that — as it is profitable for
dominators to be assured of their domination
— so it is profitable for the dominated to be
conscious that their present submission is op¬
portune ;

given that it is profitable for civilisa¬
tion, that legal domination should be develop¬
ed with greatest possible securities and guar¬
antees ;

granting all this, it becomes evident
that the function of government can and must
be rendered positive and scientific by these

Statutes of a national constitution, includ¬
ing as a natural development, the inter¬
national.

The satanic idea of divine right is sup¬
pressed. Hence, royal despotic arbitrariness
ceases, with its inherent tyranny and slavery,
with its vState monopolies of churches and
schools, charged with upholding this tyranny
and slavery by false teachings of suffocat¬
ed science and obscurantist religion. And
hence, the time of Kingdom States with their
relative subjects is ended.

From this day dawns the era of Nation
States, i. e., the era of State connections be¬
tween the native-born and the naturalised of
a given place. Who — through controlled
and bloodless electoral struggles, rather than
through the process of representative mul¬
tiple domination, rather than through the
process of despotic multiple domination —
through parliamentary discussions and votes,
rather than through violent warlike imposi¬
tions — according to electoral and parlia¬
mentary results, that show in a positive way
which among these native-born and naturalis¬
ed are the strongest in mind, in body and in
wealth, to whom governmental domination
belongs — together contend for this domina¬
tion and cede it to one another.

A WORLD CENTRE

III.

The representatives — elected, because
strongest among the native-born and natural¬
ised components of the national State, and
authorised to treat national affairs of State by
the force of majorities, or rather, to create
rights and duties, with national laws imposed
by the strongest among them — will treat
national affairs of State in a public National
Assembly : —

1) so that, from an oral clash of ideas
of government, the truest may develop and
predominate;

2) so that, by the public speaking of
altruistic representatives, who support equi¬
table measures, the power of overbearing
mutely and secretly, without giving account
or reason, may be taken from egotistic repre¬
sentatives, who sustain iniquitous measures;

3) so that government injustice may be
open to denunciation, while guilty governors
may be punished;

4) so that the ugliness of despotic gov¬
ernmental arbitrariness, which is naturally
mendacious besides being tyrannical, may be
replaced by the beauty of controlled represen¬
tative government, which is naturally truth¬
ful besides being liberal;

5) so that, in short, the old malignant
internal State sore may be cured, and the
State may reach the pure sensation and ac¬
tuation of all those equities whereby civili¬
sation becomes complete and the Fatherland
again becomes sacred.

IV.

The National Assembly is the depository
of governmental domination, by assignment
from all the native-born and naturalised com¬
ponents of the Nation, who, before elections,
have this authority in their hands.

The President of the National Assembly,
elected by the representatives — a) directs

its discussions, b) confirms its decisions, c) as¬
signs to the Prime Minister, designated by
the Assembly itself, the execution of the laws
of the government, d ) orders the Head of the
Militia, designated by the Assembly itself,
to direct the hierarchical military functions
and to carry out, by compulsion if necessary,
the Prime Minister’s whether personal or
delegated measures.

In treating national affairs the National
Assembly can divide itself into parties, ac¬
cording to principles or occasional conflicts.
But every party distinction and nomenclature
presupposes that natural one, which is as
durable as its presentation by physical or¬
ganisms. This natural division consists
of : —

1) on the one hand the brutish, i. e.,
those representatives organically so egotistic,
as to exceed in greed even the greediest be¬
asts, and whose laws cause some men and
women in the Fatherland to enjoy superflu¬
ities — while at the same time there are boys
and girls, seeds of God, deprived of the ne¬
cessities for becoming men and women —
while in it are men and women, children of
God, in penury of work, deprived of all the
necessities, constrained to the shame of char¬
ity, of prostitution and of crime, constrained
to be uneducated, rough plebeians and to
remain in spirit eternally base;

2) on the other hand the humane, i. e.,
those representatives organically so altruistic
as to surpass primitive men in their renun¬
ciation of superfluities and even of neces¬
sities. This class will never desist from com¬
bating the brutish representatives.

VI.

The proposal and drawing up of a law
must be done singly by one or another of the
representatives — so that its conception and
drawing up may be planned with organic per¬
fection — so that the Assembly in its discus¬
sions and decisions may freely, without

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

ministerial compulsion, accept it if worthy,
or reject it if unworthy.

And to the Assembly of Representatives
belongs the interpretation of obscure laws
— so that administrative or judicial function¬
aries may not place themselves above the
legislators, with interpretations contrary to
the spirit of the law. Otherwise, the repre¬
sentatives may become legislators, knowing
nothing of laws and unfit to give them pre¬
cision, to reform them, to repeal them, to
keep them in harmony with the times and to
perfect them with their progress.

Thus the right of pardon, i. e., to a par¬
ticular injustice declared and desired for the
convenience of government, belongs to the
National Assembly.

VII.

The Prime Minister and the Ministers
appointed by him must therefore not be med¬
dling lawmakers. They must only be just
executors of the laws. Their responsibility,
foi their own acts, as for those of their subor¬
dinates, must have no other basis and sphere
than that of justice or injustice. Politics
must be extraneous to them, belonging prim¬
arily to the mass of electors and then to the
representatives in Assembly.

The administrative officers and the jud¬
ges of conflicts among individuals or societies
must, nevertheless, upon their own respon¬
sibility and upon the supreme responsibility
of their Minister, apply the laws with justice
until they are repealed, drawing attention
when needful to their inconveniences.

VIII.

7 he military force depends on principle
solely upon the National Assembly, and the
Head of the Militia , whom, through its
President, the Assembly invests with power,
provides for all the hierarchical military
functions. Only when the President of the
Assembly orders that compulsion be given to
the Prime Minister’s whether personal or

delegated measures, only then, and only in
regard to what belongs to compulsion for
such measures, does the Head of the Militia
become dependent upon the Prime Minister.

The militia nevertheless cannot, in a
representative government, be slaves of con¬
scription, as they must be in a despotic gov¬
ernment. In a representative government
the militia are volunteers, who proudly, at
the risk of their persons and lives, assume
the high task of being impartial depositaries
of the legal violence of government, to guar¬
antee the observance of the laws and the
progress of civilisation.

It is for the representatives, who in the
National Assembly have legal domination
and the authority of government, to promote,
and obtain voluntary supporters of their pol¬
icies and their laws. Failure in this is a sign
that they are not the strongest, that they
do not constitute the parliamentary majority,
that the elections were not truthful in design¬
ing them as the representatives to whom legal
domination and the authority of government
belong.

To the militia, thus no longer instru¬
ments of despotic arbitrariness, but impartial
supporters of representative laws, belongs
the gratitude of all the native-born and nat¬
uralised citizens who constitute the Nation.

IX.

In order to render the functions of gov¬
ernment more liberal and less complex, but
more connected and disciplined, especially
with regard to the use of armed force : —

i. As long as civilisation remains local
and not also world-wide, because of the per¬
sistent anarchical barbarism of national in¬
dependences, which took the place of royal
independences, and are productive of illegal¬
ity among the various States — the National
Assembly, a) delegates to elective Communal
Assemblies the jurisdiction of all those af¬
fairs which, concerning the inhabitants of a
given community, are by it defined as purely

A WORLD CENTRE

local interests, b) determines the proportion
of arms and militia to be allowed to the
various communities, for guaranteeing the
observance of their communal laws, under
the orders of a Commander who, like the
Commander of national militia, depends for
his authority upon the President of the Com¬
munal Assembly.

2. When civilisation becomes world wide,
because of having suppressed the anarchical
barbarism of national independences and of
having introduced legality among the various
States, by means of an international con¬
stitution, every National Assembly of the
already existing Nations that adhere to the
international constitution, cedes to the In¬
ternational Assembly of the international
institution the following powers :

1) Power to constitute itself, by means
of the plenipotentiaries sent to the inter¬
national assembly by every already existing
Nation adhering to it — Plenipotentiaries
sent in proportion to the various provisional,
and agreed upon, average forces that each
Nation possesses in its industry, its popula¬
tion and its public and private wealth, which
are fundamental for governmental authority,
since they are the factors of victorious dom¬
ination in the homicidal furies of war, as of
governmental domination in the homicidal
intervals of peace;

2) power to constrain existing but not
adhering Nations to take their part in the in¬
ternational CONSTITUTION;

3) power to recognise the nationality
of those native-born and naturalised men and
women who, with due reason, desire to be¬
come a Nation;

4) power to establish the number of
Plenipotentiaries which each separate pre-ex¬
isting or new Nation has the right to elect, in
proportion to the varying average of its for¬
ces, and send to the international assembly ;

5) power to reconsider the average of
these forces from time to time, and conse¬

quently, according to the variations in the
average, to maintain, increase or diminish
the number of each Nation’s Plenipoten¬
tiaries ;

6) power to begin to define — which
affairs are to be considered affairs of com¬
munal interest, to be treated by Communal
Assemblies — which of national interest to
be treated by National Assemblies and which
of international interest, to be treated by the
international assembly ;

7) power to determine the proportion
of arms and militia which every Nation may
possess and distribute among its commu¬
nities, for the observance of national and com¬
munal laws;

8) power to appoint the international
prime minister who shall look after the just
application of the international laws, by
means of supreme judges chosen by him,
with the approval of the international as¬
sembly, as also by means of functionaries;

9) power to determine, according to
the number of a Nation’s Plenipotentiaries
sent to the international assembly, the va¬
rious amount of arms, militia and financial
contributions which every Nation represent¬
ed in the international assembly must fur¬
nish thereto for the purposes of the Inter¬
national Army, to ensure the observance of
international laws;

10) power to appoint the international
commander who, deriving his authority from
the PRESIDENT of the international assembly,
directs the hierarchical functions of the In¬
ternational Army, and enforces execution of
the measures passed to secure the observance
of international laws, that may be commu¬
nicated personally to him by the President
or by the President be delegated to the In¬
ternational Prime Minister.

So that therefore : —

by delegation from the National As¬
sembly, there will be the community, which

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

will treat communal affairs — in a Commun¬
al Assembly of Communal Councillors —
with communal ministers, judges and officers
— with voluntary communal militia to ensure
the observance of communal laws;

by function of the National Assembly,
there will be the nation, which will treat na¬
tional affairs — in the National Assembly of
National Representatives — with national
ministers, judges and officers — with volun¬
tary national militia, to ensure the observance
of national laws;

by cession from the National Assem¬
bly, there will be the international which
will treat international affairs in the inter¬
national assembly of International Plenipo¬
tentiaries — with international ministers,
judges and officers, with voluntary interna¬
tional militia to ensure the observance of in¬
ternational laws.

As the president, the premier and the
commander are the highest authorities of the
Nation — so the Community has in its Pres¬
ident, its Premier and its Commander its
miniature but highest authorities — so the
international has in its President, its Pre¬
mier and its Commander its most important
and actually highest authorities. And both
in Communal Assemblies and in the inter¬
national assembly, the parties, the functions,
the procedures are similar to those of the
National Assembly.

There will thus be the community, the
nation and the international, for the civ¬
ilised coexistence of humanity. And the
Nations will be the several sources of these
governmental authorities, producing civilis¬
ed human coexistence. The several sources
which — while springing from the vitality of
the native-born and naturalised who form the
nations — .spreading out, give life to the
rivulets of communities — flowing together,
give life to the stream of the international.

The Nations must be personified, so that
they may upon occasion be represented sin¬

gly. Constituted as it is of the native-born
and naturalised who bring to mind the sub¬
lime maternal function of nativity, the Na¬
tion will therefore be symbolically represent¬
ed by a woman who, rising by sublime virtue,
will have been elected by the National As¬
sembly.

Her name and official title will be simply
this — THE nation. And her stay in office,
except in cases of demerit and deposition,
will be for life.

Her duties will be the following — to
represent the Nation on all occasions when
her presence is desired — to give, in the most
intense political conflicts, counsels of mater¬
nal equity — to assume the possible tran¬
sitory function of government, in eventual
revolutionary subversions that arrest the le¬
gal functioning of the powers of the State.

As to the personification and single re¬
presentation of the Community and the in¬
ternational — the one, because of the sim¬
ilarity of its elements and the simplicity of
its functions, will be personified by the Pres¬
ident of the Communal Council, the Mayor
— the other, because of the dissimilarity of
its elements and the complexity of its func¬
tions, will be personified by an expressly
elected delegation, composed of one repre¬
sentative for every Nation and by the nation¬
al flag.

These are the first Ten Statutes of a
NATIONAL CONSTITUTION by which the function
of government can and must be made posi¬
tively scientific, by which politics can and
must cease being the vulgar empiricism
which they are. In explanation of these
there are but a few ideas to be added regard¬
ing parliamentary-electoral struggles and
nationalities.

Elections are the organised, controlled
and therefore positively scientific, as well as
most civilised way, by which coexisting peo¬
ple use their forces of mind, of body and of
wealth in order — to make that imposition
of multiple domination which we know to be

A WORLD CENTRE

necessary — to complete and ensure the
various dominations in the sexual, family,
professional, artistic, commercial and social
fields and to live more according to the dic¬
tates of their own will. That imposition, as
we saw in anarchical barbarism, i. e., in the
absence of government — occurred through
warlike victory — affirmed itself with ar¬
bitrary proceedings — existed in tjwannical
despotism — and ended with frequent revo¬
lutions on the part of the governed, persuad¬
ed to such a step in good or bad faith, and
convinced that they were the strongest and
had the right themselves to make the same
imposition of governmental domination, to
complete and ensure their various sexual,
family, professional, trade, artistic, commer¬
cial and social dominations, and be able to
live more according to the dictates of their
own will.

The constitutional electoral system of
representative government in short, causes
governmental domination to fall into the
hands of those who are really strongest, i. e.,
— those who, being more intelligent, have
known, with sincerity or deceit, how to per¬
suade or to capture more electors, even as
they would have captured more combatants
on the battle field — those who, being more
attractive, more agile, more robust, have
known with seduction, with quickness, with
every kind of effort how to attract or con¬
strain more electors, even as they would have
incited or compelled more combatants to aid
them on the battle field — those who, being
richest, have known with more means how
to entice and induce more electors, even as
they would have armed and led more com¬
batants on the battle field. So that the elect¬
ed — looked upon as representatives, are the
electors strongest in mind, in body or in
wealth or in all together, who, by the use of
these greater forces, have known how to
dominate more electors and civilly to conquer
more potentiality for legal domination, for
governmental authority, for faculty to create
rights and duties in laws, and to live at the
head of their own electors, more according to
their will, whether egotistic and maleficent
or altruistic and beneficent.

All those native-born and natiLralised in
the Nation, both men and women, except
those belonging to the only two excluded
categories, must have the vote — a) in order
to be able to develop their forces legally rath¬
er than arbitrarily, b) in order to be reason¬
ably punished if they violate a law made not
despotically and independently of them, but
as a consequence either of the great force
they used in imposing it or of the little force
they possessed to prevent it. And the only
two excluded classes comprise — a) men and
women not yet arrived at their majority or
at the use of their full forces of mind, body
and wealth, b) men and women who, un¬
dergoing the penalty of imprisonment, are
removed from the possibility of using their
forces in electoral struggles, even as they
would be unable to use them in warlike
struggles, if these had not been substituted
by the equivalent electoral struggles.

Electoral struggles, being civilised and
equivalent substitutes for barbarous warlike
struggles, require that the vote be public.
As, in warlike struggles, men and women, if
not abstentionists, participate with the forces
of mind, body and wealth that they may
bring, and their warlike participation does
not take place hiddenly but openly — so, in
the electoral struggles, men and women, if
not abstentionists, must participate also with
the forces of mind, body and wealth that they
may bring, and their electoral participation
must take place not by means of a secret but
by means of a public vote.

He who, not prevented by unavoidable
circumstances, abstains from voting, deserts
the electoral field, where the vote is public,
in order to escape responsibility, would
similarly desert the field of warlike strag¬
gle, if this had not been substituted by the
electoral one. He is one who out of coward¬
ice renounces taking part in politics, that is,
in the government struggles, and is satisfied
to submit to the laws, whatever these may
be, that are imposed upon him by the elected
representatives. He therefore, in case he
violates the laws, having done nothing to
prevent their creation, has no right to mit-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

igations of his punishment. And in the
meantime, for the service he receives in be¬
ing governed without giving himself any
trouble, he will pay a tax as voluntary
subject.

The electoral vote must be single, both
for men and women, since each one — ac¬
cording to his force of mind, and of the malef¬
icent or beneficent ideas which in speaking
or writing he is capable of using in favour
of this or that programme or representative

— according to his force of body, and of the
attraction or agility or tenacity that he may
adopt for the propaganda and victory of this
or that programme or representative —
either votes singly with his own vote, if he
is poor in forces, or joins his suffrage to the
votes of those whom by his greater force he
has induced to vote in his way.

Elections being the organised, control¬
led and therefore positively scientific as well
as most civilised way, by which coexisting
peoples use their forces in order to make
that imposition of governmental domination
which in anarchical barbarism occurs with
arbitrary despotic proceeding; electoral and
parliamentary struggles being the civilised
and equivalent substitute for barbarous war-
dike struggles; the Hall of the National As¬
sembly being the civilised and equivalent
substitute for the barbarous battlefield — the
number of national representatives must be
in proportion to the average of the factors by
which in war victory is secured, and which
are mentality, arms and money. It must
therefore be proportioned to the average
force of mind, body and wealth, of which an
electoral region or district is composed. It
must be proportioned, in short, to the la¬
boriousness, the population and the public
and private wealth of the various electoral
regions and districts of the State. And this

— both because every region must be repre¬
sented in the National Assembly and dom¬
inate in its control of national affairs accord¬
ing to the forces it would employ, with which
it would struggle and win or lose in war —
and because the revision of the number of
representatives, which from time to time

must take place, will incite the native-born
and the naturalised of any given place to
progress rather than to become decadent in
its capacity for laboriousness, in its popu¬
lation and wealth, so that it may hope to have
the number of its own representatives in¬
creased rather than diminished, so that it
may hope to prevail in the National Assembly
in a greater and not a less degree.

He who is conscious of being able to
prevail to the extent of being able to dom¬
inate in the affairs of State as representative
and to have governmental domination, must,
without hypocrisies regarding invitations
and appeals, vigorously prosecute his can¬
didature.

Electoral struggles, or rather elections,
must from time to time be renewed, so that
governmental domination may always be in
the hands of those who at the time are really
strongest instead of in the hands of those who
were so a little time before.

The parliamentary-electoral system com¬
prises, in a more civilised form, all the posi¬
tive foundations of the Science of Govern¬
ment and is based upon them. It does not
exclude but organises and controls the use of
force. And because the use of mental force
is superior to that of bodily force, the par¬
liamentary-electoral system, in opposition to
that of arbitrary despotism, is summarised
in this positive pivot of human civilisation :
before compulsion, the law of the strongest;
before law, the free Parliament.

This is a summary explanation of the
principles of parliamentary-electoral strag¬
gle. As to nationalities, the explanations are
also brief and concise.

We have declared that the Nation is the
fact and symbol of connection between the
native-born and naturalised in a given place.
These men and women — through controlled
and bloodless struggles, rather than through
uncontrolled and bloody warlike struggles —
through representative multiple domination,
rather than through despotic multiple dom-

IOO

A WORLD CENTRE

ination — through parliamentary discussions
and voting, rather than through warlike im¬
positions and violences — according to the
electoral and parliamentary results, which
prove in a positive way who among them are
the strongest in mind, body and wealth, to
whom governmental domination belongs —
contend together for and cede such domin¬
ation to one another. But this does not mean
that a Nation can arise because of the caprice
of a few native-born and naturalised persons
in a given place. The civil function of gov¬
ernment is impossible, as among individuals
so among States, without the suppression of
anarchy, which is the negation of govern¬
ment and civilisation, without legal domin¬
ation, as of some individuals over other in¬
dividuals, so of some States over other States.

This premised, and well understood be¬
fore we touch on the question of nationality,
we can come to a better understanding of the
argument.

Kingdoms and Empires, although des¬
picable, because of having deepened their
internal sore of arbitrary despotism, have
had the merit, not through benevolence but
through necessity, of reducing their external
sore, consisting in the barbarous anarchy of
independences, in the best way they could,
that is, by means of armed conquests for the
greatness of the Fatherland and by the legal
submission of the conquered and absorbed
States. Having lacked the possibility, as
well as the will and capacity, of constitut¬
ing among themselves a representative and
parliamentary international government, by
means of an international constitution,
based on positive electoral conceptions; hav¬
ing sought to cure their external sore of anar¬
chical independence by the whim of Univer¬
sal Empire, that is, in the only way that their
little minds and great distances could sug¬
gest — it was natural that they were inclined
to suppress rather than concede State inde¬
pendence, as each separate State in itself
represented the menace of an enemy’s lair
and the possibility of an offensive w r ar. Be¬
cause it was natural that every aggregate of
individuals should be inclined to constitute a

separate State, and to become inebriated with
patriotic independence and the far away
dream of becoming a Kingdom and then, per¬
haps, even a Universal Empire. This had
to be. And this will have to be until the day
when the difficulties of communication and
intercourse among the various States have
ceased to exist. That is to say — until there
exists an International Centre of Communi¬
cation where all nations may meet upon neu¬
tral ground, discuss their common affairs
with all the conveniences of permanence
settle their disputes in a World Court of
Justice empowered to enforce its decrees by
the authorit}/ of the combined Nations, enjoy
the benefits of a Scientific Centre radiating
the world’s latest discoveries to all parts of
the universe, as well as of an International
Press Bureau whose mission it will be to edit
news not in the interest of certain cliques
but in the interest of humanity.

Until then, we must postpone the joy of
having a legal world wide civilisation rather
than only a local one. Until the difficulties
of communication and intercourse are over¬
come, we must resign ourselves to the con¬
tinuance of wars for patriotic defence and
patriotic aggrandisement, which the external
sore of the barbarism of anarchy abroad ne¬
cessitates. *

But, on the day when a World Centre of
Communication is built, when it stands in
stone and steel with doors open to the people
of the world, when through its gateways all
classes and conditions of men can come to a
central point of intercourse, see the latest
world products, give and gain freely and un¬
limitedly, on that day the various Nations
which have given themselves a National Con¬
stitution will be easily persuaded to give
themselves also an international constitu¬
tion, that is, to create the international as
an emanation from the various classes form¬
ing the Nations, and to have also Internation¬
al Representatives who in majorities will
prevail in the international assembly by the
forces of mind, body and wnalth of the Na¬
tions, and who will exercise legal domination
over international foreign affairs.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

ior

Then — elections being the organised,
controlled and positively scientific as well as
most civilised way in which coexisting peo¬
ples use their forces in order to make the
imposition of governmental domination; elec¬
toral and parliamentary struggles being the
civilised substitutes for barbarous warlike
struggles; the international assembly Hall
being the civilised field substituted for the
barbarous battlefield — the number of inter¬
national representatives will also be propor¬
tioned to the average of the factors by which
in war victory is obtained and which are,
mentality, arms and money. It will there¬
fore be proportioned to the average force of
mind, body and wealth of which each Nation
is formed. It will be proportioned, briefly,
to the laboriousness, the population and the
public and private wealth possessed by the
various Nations of the international. And
then, because international affairs are no
longer resolved by means of barbarous wars,

but parliamentarily, in the international as¬
sembly, with combination of majorities va¬
riously renewed according to the cases of con¬
flict and of international laws; Nations being
able to obtain and conquer for themselves
boundaries and outlets, for exploitation and
enrichment and for vent of population, par¬
liamentarily according to their national for¬
ces, rather than by war — they will have no
more reason to want to be big or to refuse to
concede nationality to other States. They
will, instead, be inclined to concede nation¬
ality within reasonable limits and to divide
themselves, if large, into so many small Na¬
tions, in order to become more sensitive,
more equitable, more disciplined, more civ¬
ilised in their internal affairs of government
and to preserve themselves from the danger
of national decadence, which, in our histor¬
ical survey, we saw arose from too great an
extension of boundaries and inevitably led to
demoralisation and death.

■ ■

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CHAPTER V.

THE TRUE INTERNATIONAL STATE.

How much the word International was
feared when it had no significance — when
it meant the darkness of the void in the minds
of those who uttered it, a darkness obscurely
threatening the annihilation of civilisation.

And what happiness this same word In¬
ternational brings, now that, illumined by
the Positive Science of Government, it means
the greatest and simplest of things: the
Scientific International State, brought about
by the international constitution among
the former Tribe, City, Kingdom, Empire
States, become scientific Nation States. For
how much happiness may this word Inter¬
national be responsible, now that we under¬
stand by it the Constitution of civil legality
among all the men and women of the earth;
a legality which is no longer local only but
also world-wide, no longer only communal
and national but also international. What
joy this word affords now that it means in¬
ternational governmental domination, by
means of which all the men and women of
the earth, in proportion to their forces of
mind, body and wealth can more widely and
more completely ensure the sexual, family,
religious, professional, trade, artistic, com¬
mercial and social dominations, which were
already less extensively assured them in pro¬
portion to these same forces, by their com¬
munal and national dominations.

The massacre caused by the most hor¬
rible of wars had to be perpetrated in order

that the light of a Positive Science of
Government might, shine and lead to this
civilised perception! Such horrors were
necessary. For every great human good
has always been the outcome of immense ef¬
forts, made because of some vast evil to be
escaped from. The great harm done by
those who desired this frightful war, as well
as that done by those who neither knew how
to avoid it in past years nor how to end it
after its proved futility : these two conjoined
evils were necessary for stimulating the great
efforts of thought required in order — to bury
the many political prejudices that still per¬
sisted — to give birth to the many positive
political ideas that were lacking — to make
the fact understood that false Public Right
was the first cause of the war — to transform
the word International from an obscure ideo-
logism into an immense civilised light.

The attacked Nations : —

1) because incapable of seeing or fol¬
lowing the smooth and beautiful constitu¬
tional way out of this most horrible of wars;

2) because they were not instructed in
this way by the socialist leaders, (who had
confirmed themselves as being the dull doc¬
trinaires that they were, and who, because
incapable of seeing this constitutional way
and of uniting in following it, had disbanded
into two factions — one consisting of the in¬
terventionists, who favoured warlike resis¬

104

A WORLD CENTRE

tance, without, however, taking pains to
come to an agreement upon the future In¬
ternational Constitution with the royal gov¬
ernments that used them and mocked them
with vague promises of future civilisation
and durable peace — the other consisting of
the neutralists who, worse than the former
faction, opposed warlike resistance, while
remaining indifferent to the victory which,
without resistance, the aggressive Nation
might have won, and who did nothing to
avoid the disaster that humanity would have
undergone by falling under that Nation’s
domination);

3) because not intending to end the
war, as they said, in such a truly civilised
way that it could never be repeated, and in
such manner that the death of so many youths
might bear fruit for their distant descendants
in a heritage of true civilisation;

4) because being determined to end
the war in the old barbarous way, that is to
say, to their own advantage and to the agres-
sive Nation’s disadvantage, which is as much
as to say, by victory on the one side and a
desire for revenge on the other, which would
leave to their sons the heritage of worse wars
in the future;

5) because, briefly, wishing to murder
and despoil the aggressive Nation, as the
latter had tried to murder and despoil them;

6) consequently — with the lying and
menacing inducement that victory would be
immediately attainable by the intervention
of this neutral Nation, and then by the
intervention of that neutral Nation, and
then again that victory would be inevi¬
tably certain by the intervention of yet ano¬
ther neutral Nation — drew into the abyss
of war one after another of the neutrals who
had been reluctant to enter it (reluctant be¬
cause sure of being finally conquered by the
aggressor), with the folloAving results : —

They sacrificed these neutral Nations,
which, as they themselves had foreseen,
were in fact conquered by the aggressor.

They gave the aggressive Nation fur¬
ther opportunity of confirming the great
supremacy of its military power, since it was
able to resist successfully against almost the
whole of humanity, while making at the same
time successive secondary conquests.

They made it clear that they were led
by petty statesmen, incapable of realising
that the}" should have kept to the smooth and
beautiful way leading to this constitutional
outcome in order to prevent the increase of
the aggressive Nation’s military power, as
well as to avoid the slightest possibility of
falling a prey to its victory and under its
domination. They said, in their political
jargon, «The Allied Powers are risking
everything for democracy and European
liberty ». Real statesmen, had there been
any such — after the aggressive Nation had
failed to secure a rapid success and had ex¬
pressed its crafty desire to end the war with
any kind of a peace — would, with fewer
speeches and less talk, have shrewdly kept
to this smooth and beautiful way, and in this
fashion would have crushed positively not
only the aggressive Nation’s militarism but
all militarism, and would have given the lie
to the accusation that they, the attacked
Nations, were contrary to the aggressive Na¬
tion’s militarism only inasmuch as this had
become stronger than and threatened their
own militarisms, which they sought to de¬
fend and preserve.

They eliminated, or at least retarded,
the danger of being conquered by the ag¬
gressive Nation.

They, for the time being at least, saved
humanity from the uncivilised retrogression
into which it would have fallen if, through
offering too slight a resistance to the enemy,
it had fallen under the authority of the
mediaeval aggressive and conquering Nation.

But destiny held that the lives of so many
innocent youths — destroyed by two mon-
struous Christian groups in rapacious strug¬
gle — should serve a higher aim of human
welfare. It was fated that the attacked Na-

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

105

tions, continuing in the sorry game of incit¬
ing other Nations to warlike intervention —
instead of following the constitutional way —
should be constrained to the humiliation of
having to implore the material and moral aid
of America and of having to beg for its inter¬
vention; although America in the past had
disdained European political contact, and had
reduced to the utmost its relations with the
royal European authorities.

No victors and no vanquished! — cried
over the ocean the puritan spirit of the
American President in answer to the first
European appeals for intervention. With
an honest perception of faults, he had seen
that there were some on both sides. With
cautious and patient notes, he for months
and years had kept from mixing his country
in these errors. With an equitable vision of
peace, he now consented to give the begged
for intervention, but on condition that it
should be a factor in really ending wars.
But this cry of « no victory and 110 vanquish¬
ed » sounded ill in the ears of the attacked
Nation’s royal diplomacies which, lusting for
victory and vengeance, tried confusedly to
smother it and contradicted one another.
Because the durable peace, which they as¬
sured one another they wished to achieve
later, would only be possible with the adhe¬
sion of the aggressive Nation, which the
latter could only give it if it was neither con¬
queror nor conquered.

No annexations and no indemnities, and
a civilised adjustment of the Nations! —
again cried out over the ocean the puritan
spirit of the American President. Then roy¬
al delegations from the attacked Nations
crossed the ocean — to surround the man —
to take from his hand the megaphone which
his pure spirit had urged him to use — to
cavil about annexations : whether or not they
should be made; about indemnities : should
they or should they not be allowed — to
guarantee their impunity from the conse¬
quences of their own faults — to safeguard
the profits of vengeance to be gained by their
victory — to postpone till later the civilised
organisation of the Nations.

No more autocracies! — finally cried
across the ocean the pure spirit of the
American President, knowing the incredible
malice with which old European autocracies
had succeeded in subverting the democracies
to their own ends and in preparing the con¬
ditions for the outbreak of this war. And
the royal diplomacies illuding themselves
that they had detached from his purpose,
surrounded and captured the man, illuding
themselves that they had suborned him from
his pure spirit, repeated in chorus — Yes
indeed — that the mission of democracy
was very beautiful because of having known
how not to abolish but to moderate royal
autocracies; that to the modernising func¬
tions of the democracies, humanity owed all
the delights of civilisation which it enjoyed
in the time before this most horrible of wars
broke out, owing to the immoderate lust of
the aggressive Nation’s autocracy. This
autocracy required precisely American in¬
tervention in order that it should be — not
suppressed but democratised as other auto¬
cracies had been. It was consequently like¬
wise to be called to maintain humanity in
such delights of civilisation as those it enjoy¬
ed before the war in the Chaotic Period,
itself the product of democratised royal au¬
tocracies.

But destiny held that the lives of so
many innocent youths — destroyed by two
monstrous Christian groups in rapacious
struggle — should serve a higher aim of
human welfare.

New men, risen from the popular class¬
es of the attacked Nations, with eyes open
at last to the sunny light of a Positive Science
of Government, and able to see the abyss
towards which the governments were ad¬
vancing, likewise appealed to America for
intervention^ but in a very different tone.
As will be seen from the following.

Americans, you are children of those
who immigrated, not because they abandon¬
ed or did not love their native countries, but
in order to escape the shame of obeying roy¬
al autocracies they were unable to overthrow.

io6

A WORLD CENTRE

Americans, the royal successors of those
who obliged your fathers to emigrate, now,
to help them against a stronger autocracy
than their own, call you back to those same
ancestral lands!

Come, as the reincarnated spirits of your
fathers, no longer impotent but most power¬
ful ! Come to accomplish the task and the
destiny that they, because defeated, had to
leave undone! Come to suppress not only
one but all royal autocracies !

Americans, this war cannot end in the
usual way. It must not finish with another
peace treaty. Such a treaty would only be
the guarantee of its beginning again sooner
or later. See to it that this war ends in a
new and in a worthy way. Give to your
President — loosened from royal bonds and
girded with the popular will — the strength
to guide the decisive events of this war in
such manner that:

It will be recognised that the popular
class’s turn for governmental domination
has come. This turn, however, should be
settled not violently but equitably, and there¬
fore sympathetically aided by the most al¬
truistic members of the two formerly su¬
perior classes.

In spite of all the scholastic and political
chatter of the past, these elementary politi¬
cal principles, forming a synthesis of the
Pentalogue for the Positive Science of Gov¬
ernment should be finally recognised and
spread.

Domination is the fundamental law of
the various and complex universal forces,
which can only remain transitorily in the
disorder of independences and equivalences.

II.

The progressive life of the stars, the
plants, the beasts, of man and of the cellu-
lae of which these bodies are formed, is

carried on by means of struggles, which have
as their basis the universal law of domina¬
tion. So that life is struggle for domination,
in contradistinction to death, which brings
peace to the body.

III.

Every man or woman, whether for self¬
ish and evil or for altruistic and beneficent
ends, struggles in fact until death by means
of his or her forces of mind, body and wealth
— the three human forces — in order to in¬
crease them and to have by their means more
or less sexual or family, or religious or pro¬
fessional or trade or artistic or commercial
or social and, moreover, governmental dom¬
ination, that is to say, the legal authority
that ensures all other dominations. And
government authority belongs precisely to
those who, being united in the struggle for
existence and strongest in minds, bodies and
wealth — as, because of these greater united
forces, they attain victorious domination in
the homicidal furies of war — so, because of
the same greater united forces, and through
the process of multiple domination, assume
governmental domination in the homicidal
intervals of peace.

IV.

Nations, being nothing but aggregates
of individuals, cannot but likewise struggle,
with their collective forces of mind, body
and wealth, in order to ensure to their com¬
ponent parts these same dominations not only
in the interior but also abroad, and for the
same selfish and evil or altruistic and be¬
neficent ends.

As National Constitutions, although
empirical, ended the barbarous anarchy of
individual independences and of continual
individual assassinations, of communal inde¬
pendences and of continual intercommunal
wars, much better than did the absolute au¬
tocracies, because, a) they gave to every man
and woman, in proportion to his or her forces

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

107

of mind, body and wealth, the possibility of
having controlled and parliamentary govern¬
mental domination in individual, communal
and national affairs, b) they afforded the con¬
venience of treating these affairs by the op¬
position of real and new ideas to erroneous
and false ones, giving the lie through public
and equitable reasons to secret and iniquitous
reasons, denouncing and repressing indivi¬
dual, communal and national injustices — so,
only the international constitution, the
more so because scientific, can end the bar¬
barous anarchy of national independences
and of continual international wars, because,
A) it gives to every man and woman in pro¬
portion to the forces of mind, body and
wealth possessed by them and by their Na¬
tion, the possibility of having controlled
parliamentary governmental domination in
international affairs, B) it affords the con¬
venience of treating these affairs by the op¬
position of real and new ideas to erroneous
and false ideas, giving the lie through public
and equitable reasons to secret and iniquitous
reasons, denouncing and depressing inter¬
national injustices.

It will be admitted that the attacked Na¬
tions, who pretended to be so civilised, had
been guilty of not having even in the most
recent times, banished the satanic deception
of governmental divine right. They had
been guilty of not having already long ago
abolished the anarchy of national indepen¬
dences among themselves, and consequently,
of not having abolished the necessity of dom¬
inating by means of wars for patriotic de¬
fence and aggrandisement. They had been
guilty of not having created among them¬
selves the legality of an international con¬
stitutional government for foreign affairs.
They had been guilty of not having put an
end to the necessity of dominating in foreign
affairs as much as possible by means of the
secret intrigues of diplomatic domination,
and then by means of the disloyal compacts
of victorious warlike domination.

We may admit that the aggressive Na¬
tion, who likewise pretended to be so civilis¬
ed, and not any the less refined because of

its comparative youth, had been guilty —
though with the attenuating circumstances
of the bad example given it by the more
ancient attacked Nations, and of its greater
youth and less refinement — of having a-
bused the satanic conception of governmental
divine right. It had been guilty, in the
anarchy of national independences and in
the necessity of dominating by means of wars
for patriotic defence and aggrandisement, of
imitatively attempting the great war for
Universal Empire. It too had been guilty
of neglecting to create the legality of an in¬
ternational constitutional government for
foreign affairs. It had erred in not having
made its own domination therein possible
parliamentarily and civilly, according to its
own forces, as in internal affairs. It had
been guilty of not having put an end to the
necessity of dominating in foreign affairs by
means of the secret intrigues of diplomatic
domination, and then by the disloyal com¬
pacts of victorious warlike domination.

The full cure of the internal State sore
and of the social evils that derived from it,
will be postponed till after the full cure of
the external State sore. The latter, con¬
sisting of the barbarism of national indepen¬
dences, that is to say, in the barbarism of
anarchy abroad and in the consequent ne¬
cessity of wars for patriotic defence and ag¬
grandisement, has to be cured positively first
and to be cured now — now that internatio¬
nal communication no longer presents the
same difficulties as at the time when National
Constitutions were introduced.

The Ninth of the Ten Statutes of a
Scientific National Constitution should be¬
come especially well known and receive the
adherence of sovereigns, rendered the more
complete by the shortsighted resistance of
only some mentally and morally deficient
Majesty.

New men will rise to government, for it
becomes evident that the most horrible of
wars would never have happened if there had
not been, on the one side an evil intent in
preparing for it, and on the other side inade-

io8

A WORLD CENTRE

quacy in taking steps to prevent it. It be¬
comes clear that all the men in government
who in the past years were actively or p:
sively, evil promoters or inadequate preven¬
ters of the war, and who now accuse one
another reciprocally of being solely respon¬
sible for it, must be dismissed or put aside.
It becomes clear that it is dangerous to leave
these same men in government — for these
men, besides having no receptivity for new
ideas, nor ability for the political reforms
that are so urgently needed, since, as they
have brought about this war either through
evil intent or incompetency and have con¬
ducted it with evil intent and more or less
incompetency, so they may end it with a final
peace act that will be mathematically the
product of their evil intents and their incorn-
petencies.

The actual statesmen’s stupid cunning
arouses pity. They do not see the necessity
of prosecuting the war without hysterical
rage to the end of securing a wise peace.
They do not see the necessity of carrying it
on to remove the possibility of the aggressive
Nation’s victorious despotic domination, and
to end it by a simultaneous and positive so¬
lution of the war problem. Instead, they
become hypnotised with the folly of being
obliged to carry on the war to victory, with
the hope of coming by means of reciprocal
massacres and the tearing away of regions
and provinces, to a civilised adjustment of
the Nations, which should abolish war and
bring about durable peace. Their behaviour
is like that of ignorant doctors who, instead
of studying and discovering the real cause
of an illness (the illness of war) and the real
cure to be made of it, both in general and in
the special case (the present war), continue
to cure it by old remedies as empirical as they
are useless, thus endangering the life of the
patient (the life of the Nations). Their con¬
ceptions overlook the fact that the people of
the aggressive Nation have not been con¬
strained to the war, but, through a vicious
education, have been made accomplices in it,
to such an extent that, in the case of the vic¬
tory of their foes, defeat would not only be
considered defeat of the sovereign, but of the

whole people. And the entire people would
be inclined not to attempt to settle accounts
with their own King, but to make common
cause with him once more for a common
revenge by all the devilish means imagin¬
able. Their behaviour fails even to take
account of the experiences of menageries,
where the wild beasts may be docile until
their meal appears, but ferocious enough af¬
ter having sniffed and tasted it. Experience
teaches us analogously that a Nation which
by victory has bitten into a region or prov¬
ince, will not let it go for the love of peace.
The behaviour of these statesmen therefore,
is shrewdly but idiotically confusing. For
certainly it would be a fatal error to end the
war without solving the war problem, and to
let conditions remain more or less as before.
Even children can see that if the war is not
ended before a final victory has been secured,
infernal revenge rather than an adjustment
for permanent peace will be the subject most
spoken of. The behaviour of these folk, in
short, confirms the fact of their evil intents
and of their greater or less inadequacy. It
discloses their determination — not to dis¬
please Kings — to preserve at least a part
of their own autocracies — to postpone to a
distant future the international constitu¬
tion, which would soon settle all these ques¬
tions — to leave things, after the war, more
or less as they are, excepting with the add¬
ed advantages of victory for themselves and
the disadvantages of defeat for the most ag¬
gressive Nation.

It will be agreed that the most horrible
of wars — thenceforth outlining itself as The
GREAT WAR OF GREAT IGNORANCE — ill order to
come to a satisfactory end and to conclude
in such way as would never lead to its repe¬
tition, should not end either militarily or
diplomatically, nor by means of violences or
intrigues. It should end in a new way, wor¬
thy of the times which have been dishonour¬
ed by it, and which finally rise against it.
It should not end by the usual peace treaty
but in a scientific and legal way, by the in¬
stitution of the true international, really
productive of the impossibility of its recur¬

rence.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

109

And therefore the new rulers of the at¬
tacked Nations — will be delighted not to be
obliged, like the actual ones, to run hither
and thither for the sake of making speeches,
useless to their hearers but precious to their
enemies, who draw from them councils for
action. They will be delighted not to be
obliged to run to and fro for the buffoonery of
meetings, visits, toasts and good wishes for
victory, to which they are impelled by their
numerous inter-ally Conferences — Con¬
ferences made necessary by the need of pro¬
viding, as well as may be, for unified military
action during the war without displeasing
their sovereigns. That is to say, they avoid¬
ed as long as possible the international con¬
stitution, which would have created real
military unity, would have aroused really
civilised enthusiasms and really produced
victory, but would have put an end to all au¬
tocracies whether of the aggressive or attack¬
ed Nations. These new rulers will be en¬
chanted not to be obliged to go about, like
the actual ones, plotting here and there
measures for economically overpowering the
enemy now, and also during the famous dur¬
able peace after the war. They will be over¬
joyed to be able to repudiate those miserable
war solutions for which, undaunted by the
horrors of war, the actual ones have groped,
calling them by the usual peace formulae —
exactly as if things should remain as they
were before the war, to the good fortune of
wars to come.

The new rulers of the attacked Nations
will be happy indeed to be able to enter trpon
the very smooth and beautiful constitutional
way. A way which could have been adopted
by the attacked Nations from the very be¬
ginning of the war — if their former rulers
had had a human sense of repentance for
their own faults, had felt human sorrow for
the unhappy destiny which overtook the
aggressive Nation and had felt human love
for this great and unhappy people’s need of
aid, rather than of defeat, by offering them
the treasures which are to be found upon this
constitutional way. This way would have
been adopted from the beginning of the war,
if the earlier rulers had not been prevent¬

ed from seeing and taking it — prevented
by Their Majesties’ tentacles, prevented by
burgher opportunism, prevented by Chris¬
tian hypocrisy, prevented by the ordure of
governmental ignorance.

And entering upon this smooth and
beautiful way, which was already marked
out, the new rulers : —

1) between them, with the consent of
the most modern among the Kings, will liq¬
uidate the anarchical and barbarous royal
autocracies. Their Majesties should be, in
fact, so well persuaded, that they even aid
the conversion of that residuum of the micro¬
cephalous, who would feel uncomfortable if
they were not obliged to curve their backs
as subjects (the Nation could be maternal¬
ly and beautifully represented, according
to the last of the Ten Statutes) to the puppet
of a Constitutional King, whether he be intel¬
lectual or idiotic, evil or benignant, straight
or crooked, or however he might have come
from the genital urinary organs;

2) between them and their Allies they
will create a provisional international con¬
stitution — abolishing their anarchical and
barbarous national independence — allowing
each of the internationally constituted Na¬
tions a number of Plenipotentiaries in the
proportion that we have already seen —
using their national armies as a provisional
collective international army — thus giving
birth to international legality;

3) they .will arrange that their respec¬
tive Plenipotentiaries, forming a provisional
true international, should begin to meet in
an international assembly, for the purpose
of legally organising the international, and
for treating their respective international af¬
fairs. These Plenipotentiaries should pro¬
claim the great dilemma in regard to the war :
Either immediate consent on the part of the
adversaries to enter the international con¬
stitution, with Plenipotentiaries in propor¬
tion to their forces, first of all to treat the war
conflicts legally, (a treatment which should
proceed simultaneously with the prosecution

I 10

A WORLD CENTRE

'of the war, so that the one, because of its civ¬
ilised domination of forces, might render the
other useless, and thus end the war in a civ¬
ilised way). Or vigorous prosecution of the
war for the purpose of obliging the adver¬
saries to enter the international constitu¬
tion, constraining them by every imaginable
means of coercion and destruction, since the
peoples of these inimical Nations, by refus¬
ing to enter into the international consti¬
tution, really would show themselves to be
the true barbarians. Barbarians who would
cause the external State sore — that is, the
barbarous anarchy of national independences
and the consequent necessity of foreign wars
— to continue. Barbarians who should be
sterilised, like malignant microbes. Bar¬
barians the battles against whom, would be
true and holy, civilised, enthusiastic and vic¬
torious battles, not interested, barbarous and
artificial such as are those waged, not for the
purpose of establishing the international,
but for destroying Prussian militarism, while
awaiting a future Society of Nations to ap¬
pear perhaps, according to the famous ar¬
bitration of ignorant pacifism;

4) they will cause — by this their sup¬
pression of anarchical barbarism abroad —
civilisation, which hitherto, even though suf¬
fering from tyrannical despotism, has existed
only in the interior of States, to begin to
exist also abroad.

The true international thus barely
sketched out will grow by the adherence of
neutral Nations. It will fascinate the neu¬
tral Nations, and convert the aggressive Na¬
tion, so much so as to induce it to dare to do
what otherwise it would never have dared to
do and thus to merit an oblivion of its faults,
which was indispensable in order that the
functioning of the international might begin
at its height of civilised equity. It will im¬
pose itself over the few Nations that still
might pretend to remain independent and
oblige them to submit to international gov¬
ernment, that is, to form part of the interna¬
tional constitution. It will constrain them
to submit to government, as every national
government constrains its riotous individuals.

The solution of all the confused war con¬
flicts — achieved much better by means of a
civilised domination of forces in the INTER -
ternational assembly than by the violence
of war and diplomatic intrigues — will make
evident the fact that the time has come to
take them away from the hands of soldiers
and diplomats. They will be taken over
definitely by the elected International Pleni¬
potentiaries. These, proclaiming in Na¬
tional Assembly the complete and civilised
advent of the true international — and now
providing fully for the whole of its immense
legal organisation, including the formation
of the reduced international army — will
settle the details of the now ended war, by
calm, pondered, public exercise of the inter¬
national's parliamentary function of treat¬
ing international affairs.

They will regulate these affairs through
the creation of successive international laws
and rights — through decisions, which can
be accepted by the unsuccessful Plenipoten¬
tiaries without the shame and rancour of de¬
feat, and which can be serenely accepted
by them in the same way as the verdicts of
majorities are accepted every day by minori¬
ties in National and Communal Assemblies.
For, like these, they have publicly exposed
their reasons and, like these, there still re¬
mains before them the perennial possibility
of becoming in turn the majority and of
thus enjoying a civilised rather than warlike
revenge.

•They will concede nationality to several
would be Nations, whose pretensions for¬
merly, while international anarchy persisted,
were absurd and, moreover, dangerous to
concede. The concession of nationality has
become the bitter kernel of the war, for which
rivers of blood would still flow over the
battlefields and rivers of talk over the green
table in the reunion hall where would meet
the diplomats charged with making the new
peace treaty. The concession of nationality
— a subject which caused so many follies to
be uttered about the concept of the Nation
and, in particular, the folly which declared
that peoples should have the free right to

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

111

constitute themselves into a Nation — will
become the easy affair of the international
assembly. Here many more nationalities
will be created than could formerly have
been imagined, for it will be understood —
in the light of Positive Science of Govern¬
ment, and especially through the last expla¬
nation added to the Ten Statutes — that too
great an extension of boundaries loosens the
bonds between rulers and ruled and is first
cause of the putrid formation of the internal
State sore. The moral superiority and gen¬
eral prosperity in the past of small Nations
in comparison with great ones is thereby ex¬
plained. With the coming of the interna¬
tional constitution, the internal anarchy —
which obliged every Nation to preserve itself
from the danger of being conquered, by it¬
self conquering and reducing to the smallest
possible number the independent Nations
capable of conquest — will disappear.

Moreover, several large Nations, recog¬
nising themselves as being made up of peo¬
ples who, because of language, sentiment
and customs, are more unlike than the peo¬
ples forming other distinct Nations, will find
it natural and convenient to detach from
themselves this or that region which seem
fit to constitute a separate Nation and to be
bound thereto by spontaneous political ties,
by means of which, in the international as¬
sembly, they could exercise better and more
vigorous concordant political action.

The already existing and the newly
created small Nations will not be obliged to
submit, as in the past, to the shame of being
protected by the large ones, of being kept
by them. In the international they acquire
the dignity of their own life — a weaker life
than that of the large Nations who have
a greater number of Plenipotentiaries, but
one capable, nevertheless, of becoming even
stronger in the international assembly than
theirs, by means of their persuasive oratory,
or by the attractiveness of their aims to many
other small or even large Nations.

Colonies will become Nations — not in¬
dependent, for now no Nation is that, but no

longer dominated and made still more bar¬
barous by this or that Mother-Fatherland,
which has been, though with a pretence of
conferring civilisation, their hypocritical and
ferocious exploiter, and then their frightened
courtier full of promises, of fraternally fed¬
eral concessions — promises stimulated not
by love but only by the danger incurred dur¬
ing the great war of seeing these colonies
rebel and claim an inimical independence.
Colonies, therefore, will become Nations par¬
ticipating in the international and dominat¬
ed and civilised by the international assem¬
bly. This Assembly will prescribe by law :
— which of their affairs should be communal
and which national, in homage to local liber¬
ty ; and which should be international, in the
interests of the colonies’ own real civilisa¬
tion, in the interests of the Nations having
dominion over them in the international as¬
sembly, and in the collective interest of the
whole of humanit}^. All of which conces¬
sions will not prevent those colonies that
genuinely feel grateful and affectionate to¬
ward the former Mother-Fatherland, from
maintaining close relations with it, in the in¬
ternational assembly — ties which, as vol¬
untary ones, will be better than the earlier
enforced unions. Thus also, as dignified
Nations instead of as abased colonies, they
will be able to share with it a community of
international political action.

Briefly, eventual conflicts among States
will cease to cause war, because internation¬
al anarchy is at an end and the civilised dom¬
ination of the Nations begins. From now
on disputes are settled —

1) by sentences of International Courts
of Justice — Courts composed of supreme
Judges nominated according to the IXth of
the Ten Statutes — if the subject of con¬
flict is regulated by international laws al¬
ready issued from the international as¬
sembly ;

2) by new international laws, emanat¬
ing from the international plenipoten¬
tiaries, if the subject of conflict has not been
regulated by already issued international

I 12

A WORLD CENTRE

laws and requires new international political
decisions to regulate it.

Nevertheless, as legality among the cit¬
izens of a Nation does not exclude the pos¬
sibility of some of them, in case of conflict,
rebelling against the national government by
means of a national revolution, so legality
among the Nations of the international does
not exclude the possibility that some of them
may, in case of conflict, rebel by means of an
international revolution — withdrawing from
the international their own Plenipotentia¬
ries and their own arms and militia and at¬
tempting a revolutionary movement against
the Nations that remain united in it — a re¬
volutionary movement bearing no compari¬
son, as we saw, with the barbarism of war.

But — as National Constitutions, the
less they were based upon empirical princi¬
ples and the less false they were, the more
they reduced national revolutions to rare
cases of conflict, condemned to probable fail¬
ure — so the international constitution,
based upon scientific principles, reduces the
possibility of international revolutions to very
rare cases of conflict, condemned to more
than probable failure —

1) because, with the international,
every Nation, however small — having a
voice in the international assembly — can
not as formerly be over-powered by secret
arts of diplomacy or by arbitrary declarations
of war — but can, by means of its Plenipoten¬
tiary or Plenipotentiaries, expose its reasons
publicly, have the support of such and such
Plenipotentiaries of other Nations, besides
that of fully informed public opinion, and
thus have no cause for useless revolutions;

2) because, like the citizens of Nations,
the Nations of the international can have no
more arms than are permitted them by the
INTERNATIONAL assembly, so that, for revolu¬
tionary purposes, they have to count upon
those that can be procured at the time — by
their own genius which if capable of so much,
will show them to be authorised by world
destiny to dare a revolutionary movement

for domination — if incapable of so much,
will persuade them to respect international
legality and by this means exercise their own
share of international domination.

The civilising of less refined peoples has
only been possible, as history shows, through
the governmental domination of more civilis¬
ed conquering peoples — and therefore it
must be admitted that for this reason wars
were often beneficial. The civilising of peo¬
ples who were less refined than their con¬
querors, through no fault of their own, was
practicable only by means of putting the
mark of subjection on the foreheads of the
conquered. From now on all peoples have
a greater or less but, at an}^ rate, associated
national existence and international repre¬
sentation, very much preferable to the old
anarchical, barbarous and illusory national
independences. There is therefore nothing
humiliating in the fact that a Nation less
refined in matters of government, should
voluntarily call from other Nations men and
women known as experts in government, to
form part of its own internal government,
even as in the preceding times of conquered
subjection the people from the conquering
Nations have not disdained calling to form
part of their religious, artistic, trade, profes¬
sional or commercial culture men or women
of the subjected races known as experts in
these matters. The difficulty of civilising a
country’s inhabitants — which often lay in
the fact that its rulers needed to be civilised
first, and also in the fact that this could only
happen with the shame of the Nation falling
under the domination of a more civilised for¬
eign government — will be overcome by the
advent of the true international.

Thus the dream of Universal Empire,
conceived by the small minds and colossal
egotisms of ancestors, vanishes before the
civilised experiment made by individuals,
who passed from barbarous anarchy among
themselves to the civilised State of Tribe; by
Tribes that passed from barbarous anarchy
among themselves, to the civilised State of
City; by Cities that passed from barbarous
anarchy among themselves to the civilised

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

State of Kingdom, by Kingdoms that passed
from barbarous anarchy among themselves to
the civilised State of Empire. The dream of
Universal Empire, which the small minds
and colossal egotisms of earlier men had con¬
ceived in the darkness of the despotic or em¬
pirical and falsely representative govern¬
ments of their time, will vanish. The dream
of Universal Empire, which was all that the
small minds and colossal egotisms of these
ancestors were able to conceive as the cure
for the external State sore, will vanish. The
gross dream of Universal Empire vanishes,
because the pure logic of the true interna¬
tional takes its place and is given concrete
form within the walls that rise to receive it

— within the walls of the international city,

THE WORLD CITY, THE CITY OF HUMANITY.

If the idea of Universal Empire had not
been a dream but could have been made real,
the Capital of the Empire become Universal
would have concentrated universal move¬
ment in itself, and would naturally have be¬
come Universal City, that is, centre of uni¬
versal legality, centre of universal affairs,
centre of universal civilisation. But, as the
pure logic of a true international opposes
itself to such a dream, it is equally natural
that no national capital could be transformed
into an international city, for this would
give it advantages and would cast disadvan¬
tages upon the other national capitals that
participate in the international. It is nat¬
ural that the Nations forming the interna¬
tional, in enacting the international con¬
stitution should — choose a place most
accessible to them all — internationalise it

— submit it to the civil and military auth¬
orities which the international assembly
nominates and to the laws which this assem¬
bly issues, or which they adopt from the
nearest State, for the co-existence of its in¬
habitants — should thus, in fact, found the
authoritative international seat.

And in considering the choice of site, it
is natural that Belgium should appear as of
very great! value. Here occurred the first
miracle of heroic resistance, which, giving
the unprepared attacked Nations time to

113

prepare themselves, prevented the victo¬
rious domination under which humanity
would have fallen and retrogressed. This
heroic resistance thus smoothed the road for
the glorious advent of the true internation¬
al. There were already many reasons in
favour of such a choice, such as those of ac¬
cessibility for all the Nations, since it lies
near to France, to Germany, to England,
and is connected with all the oversea coun¬
tries. And there was the reason of Bel¬
gium’s priority in earlier attempts at con¬
centrating civilised international relations.
But the principal reason for this choice is
that of honouring the heroic Belgian people.
No oath that « the old Belgium should be re¬
paired, restored and not allowed to suffer
permanently from the invasion of her free¬
dom )>, no attestation of gratitude, 110 stereo¬
typed verbose praises could be worth this
homage that unified humanity would render
to Belgium. And the aggressive Nation’s
people, which will become converted, in the
joy of the international's advent — and bet¬
ter than any other having had occasion to
prove Belgian greatness — also will feel that
so high an honour is due to this small yet
noble people.

But, whether this or another site should
be chosen as seat for the international,
upon the site first of all will rise two supreme
buildings — that of international Legisla¬
tion,' where the international assembly,
constituting the supreme international poli¬
tical authority, will sit — and that of inter¬
national Justice, to house the Courts of in¬
ternational Justice, which constitute the
supreme international judiciary authority.

Near these two supreme edifices, then,
gradually will uprise buildings for the inter¬
national army — offices for the international
functionaries — palaces for the representa¬
tives of the Nations — structures for local
civil and military authorities — for banks —
for all the professionals and industrials re¬
quisite for carrying on international affairs
and who were obliged to be near the seat of
international government — hotels and hous¬
es for the comfortable living of the people in

A WORLD CENTRE

114

all these offices, which thus together will
form the walls of the international, the
structure of the world city. This City, thus
no longer a dream of poets and philanthro¬
pists, will grow as all cities in the past grew,
because of the affluence of peoples and the
concentration of interests there where a
nucleus of men imposed themselves with
forces of governmental domination. It will
become the centre of common internation¬
al civilisation and, consequently, of science,
of art, of education. It will become the
goal whither converge all the ideas of hu¬
manity — ideas which, developed in the
City, pass out again towards all humani¬
ty. And we may say that this idea of a
World Centre is no longer only a prophecy,
the projections of the idealistic imagination.
It has been concretised and planned, pre¬
pared, modelled and arranged by architects
and artists, so that nothing remains but the
word of the world, the concurrence of the
dominating intelligence of humanity to bring
it into actual being. It realises, in short,
the admirable plan prophesied and designed
by the seeing spirit of an American, the
American Hendrik Christian Andersen.

Laws of international polities and sen¬
tences of international justice will be the
highest spheres in which international le¬
gality begins to dominate over the peoples
of humanity and finally to produce the beau¬
ty of a true world civilisation.

But, if one thinks of — Boundaries and
Frontiers — Submarine Cables — Post, Te¬
legraph and Telephone — Timetables —
Weights and Measures — Monetary Agree¬
ments — Tunnels — Railroads — Naviga¬
tion and Aviation — Copyright — Trade¬
marks — Patents — Public Hygiene —
Customs Tariffs — Industrial Production —
International Terminology — the White
Slave Trade and the Protection of Young
Girls — International Statistics — Explora¬
tion — Official Documents — Consular Ju¬
risdiction — Passports — Arrests — Ex¬
tradition — Rogatory of the Sentenced —
Verification of Notary and Death Docu¬
ments — the Red Cross — Works of Art —

Fisheries and Hunting — Contraband —
Repatriation of Expelled Paupers and of
Foundlings — Witnesses and Experts —
Verification of Societies — Legalisation of
Public Acts — Antiphylloxera Conventions

— Free Advocacy — Harbour Inspection —
Exchange of Legislative Publications — Ex¬
change of Civil Deeds — Agreements for
Cattle and Agricultural Product Transit —
Exchange of Census Data — Aid to the In¬
digent and Sick — War and Peace Hague
Conventions — Geodetic Conventions —
Conventions for Marriage, Divorce and Tu¬
telage of Minors — Verification of Heirs —
Succession Settlements — Hospital Ships
Conventions — International Institute of
Agriculture Conventions — Sea Explora¬
tion Conventions — Agreements for Ar¬
bitration Tribunals — Obscene Publications

— Alcoholic Drinks — Measures against
Opium — Seismology Stations — Missiona¬
ries — Indemnities and Assistance to the
Shipwrecked — Preservation of certain Spe¬
cies of Animals — Use of Saccharine and
Analogous Substances — Automobile Cir¬
culation — Emigration and the Legal Pro¬
tection of Labourers — if one thinks of all
this troop of collective interests for which,
in the times of still persisting international
anarchy and increasing international com¬
munication, the governments of the various
Nations have been obliged to provide by
means of agreements, without authoritative
legal force — one can understand how vast
will be the other spheres in which interna¬
tional legality will begin to develop by legis¬
lative and administrative international meas¬
ures. Let us remember that every Nation
has been obliged, without authoritative legal
force, to treat each one of these affairs direct¬
ly with the other Nations, by means of
proposals, answers, difficulties and replies
regarding treaties, conferences, conventions,
agreements. Moreover imagine the waste
of energy involved and the scarcity of results
in comparison with the saving of energies
and the magnificence of the results obtained
through a concentration of all these inter¬
national measures in the legal and author¬
itative attributions of the international as¬
sembly.

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

”5

Nor is this all. There is also the troop
of private international activities which, in
spite of the persisting international anarchy
and the falsity of National Constitutions,
scholars, industrials and peoples felt to be
indispensable for their growing need of hu¬
man unity, and which the easy means of
communication now made possible. There
are the Scientific Institutes in general —
Bibliographical Institutes — Press and Pe¬
riodical Associations — Academy of Acade¬
mies — Medical Associations and Congresses

— Psychical Research Societies — Moral
Culture Unions — Religious Associations
and Congresses — Sociological Institutes —
Labour Organisations — Cooperation and
Mutuality Leagues — Free Trade Congress¬
es — Law Leagues and Congresses — As¬
tronomical Associations — Administrative
Sciences Congresses — Popular Education
Bureaus and Institutions — Chambers of
Commerce Congresses — Philological So¬
cieties — Physics and Electricity Societies

— Chemistry Societies — Geological So¬
cieties — Anthropological Societies — Bio¬
logical Societies — Botany and Zoology So¬
cieties — Artist and Engineer Associations

— Agricultural Societies — Zootechnical,
Hunting and Fishing Societies — Domestic
Economy Societies — Stenography Societies

— Topographical Societies — Waterways So¬
cieties — Book-Keeping Societies — Chem¬
ical Industries Societies — Manufactures
and Crafts Societies — Historical and Geo¬
graphical Societies — Fine Art Societies —
Societies for Sports. There is this other
troop of private international activities,
which — scorned by the cannibalistic pre¬
parations for that most horrible war — be¬
fore its outbreak were here and there de¬
veloped by scholars, industrials and peoples,
in wandering, disorganised, discordant meet¬
ings, accordings as opportunities offered, and
which can now be permanently, organically
and concordantly developed in the interna¬
tional. The international city conse¬
quently, by the force of legality, in a short
time will become not only the centre of in¬
ternational affairs, but the true centre of
human civilisation, for which the whole
world is preparing.

All this miracle of civilisation will be
possible because the light of a true Science
of Government revealed the fact that the
cure of the external State sore, the barbarism
of Kingdom, Republic and Empire indepen¬
dences, i. e., the barbarism of their anarch¬
ical non-State, could not end in the old un¬
scientific way, by the expansion of the legal
organisation of these Kingdoms, Republics
and Empires into a single Universal Empire.
Universal Monarchy , in the light of the Pos¬
itive Science of Government, showed itself
for what it was — a dangerous poetic fancy
and a brigandly kingly lust. It has become
evident that the decadence of Empires, civ¬
ilisations and races was the result of treating
the external sore in this way. It also has
become evident that the cure of this sore, the
cessation of the barbarous anarchy among
Kingdoms, Republics and Empires, and of
their internal wars for patriotic defence and
aggrandisement, can only come about by a
new arrangement of forces —only by achiev¬
ing truly amplified civilisation — only by
giving an international constitution to all
the States and by organising them into the
State of international.

Therefore the true international will
triumph, consecrating the fact that the last
war has been the great war of great igno¬
rance.

And the benefits derived from this true
international will not cease, but spread to
the whole of humanity — as a reparation for
all the brutalities suffered during the last
war — as an apotheosis of all those soldiers
killed or mutilated in it — as shame to all
those leeches of business men who scandal¬
ously profited by it — as accusation of all
those statesmen who conspired to make the
great war end in a great trick, that is, in the
usual way, by another underhand peace trea¬
ty, calculated only to imitate afresh the
mockery of reducing armaments and of
obligatory arbitration.

The coming of this true international
will have for humanity the importance of a
true new era, and humanity indeed will be-

A WORLD CENTRE

116

gin to make a true and common numeration
of years from the first day of its advent.

International Law will cease being a fan¬
tastic and immutable professorial stupidity,
having become an authoritative and mutable
imposition of International legislators.

People will laugh when thinking of those
statesmen of past times, whose monuments
still encumber the high roads and who gov¬
erned when foreign politics were still a far¬
cical and sanguinary affair. In those times
the handling of foreign affairs fell, in fact,
first to the shrewd disloyalty of diplomatists,
then to the heroic sacrifice of soldiers. The
latter knew perhaps nothing about foreign
affairs, but — when called upon to handle
them on an arduous battle-field, in the place
of their ambassadors and ministers of For¬
eign Affairs, who were only good at entan¬
gling affairs in their commodious offices —
they were obliged by law to lend themselves
thereto as patriotic soldiers. And this they
did. Great were the sacrifices they made,
regardless of the encomiums of their bravery
which ambassadors and ministers of Foreign
Affairs — looking from afar through opera
glasses upon the scenes of the theatre of w r ar,
that is, upon devastated fields heaped with
corpses — addressed to them in rhetorical
speeches, to which all the patriotic magnates
who had stayed at home looking after their
own affairs, provided a chorus.

The soldiers of the International Army
— unlike those of the earlier royal and na¬
tional armies, who were the instruments of
inhuman aggression, at the service of rulers
who exploited them and urged them to heroic
sacrifices by a deceptive play upon the sacred
word « Fatherland » — will be sentinels of
the coercive compact of legal human union,
sentinels of the coercive compact of the in¬
ternational CONSTITUTION.

The several Nations’ gigantic warships
and airships will be — in part, turned over
to the International Militia and appointed to
travel the seas under the international flag,
for ensuring the observance of international

laws — in part, stripped of their cannons and
appointed to travel the seas under their na¬
tional flags, for the purpose of extending
commerce and civilisation, much better than
could be done before.

The international FLAG, created as sym¬
bol of the Nations’ union, will keep visibly
and perennially a space for the new nation¬
alities which the international assembly
has always the power to create.

The phrase « human brotherhood » has
often caused a smile when uttered. But with
the international it becomes a possible fact,
because it has there its seat and its command.

The internal State sore, consisting in the
arbitrariness of despotism and in the conse¬
quent necessity of tyrannies in the interior,
(which the empirical constitutional unguent
had certainty assuaged but made fetid) —
now that the external sore has fully recover¬
ed, can also be wholly cured. Because the
governmental science which serves the inter¬
national constitution, will penetrate also
into National Constitutions — purify them
of all the Chaotic Period’s dross of arbitrary
despotism and intrigues — ennoble them by
equitable laws of representative domination,
upon the basis of which parties will be clari¬
fied, and socialism, ceasing to be egotistic,
polemical, doctrinary and opportunistic will
become altruistic and concrete, if capable of
being so.

And the day when the internal State sore
also is cured and disappears — that day of
human glory and of liberation from the in¬
finitude of evils that this sore has produced —
will be commemorated by all the Nation in
a collective monument to the man who, for
thousands of years, kept it open and fetid in
all the States. With the money made by the
sale of all the ugly statues to royalty that for
centuries disfigured the streets and squares
of cities in all countries, the Nations will
erect in the international this monument of
colossal proportions to the baneful man — in
the centre, he, the grim, rapacious, sangui¬
nary and obscene man, the King, drunk, with

POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT

his crown crooked, and in his hands the em¬
blems of his power by divine right — at the
sides of the monument four groups, repre¬
senting his chief creations : misery, charity,
prostitution, crime.

Americans, the most deceptive error in
the declaration and conduct of the war, has
been the belief that its solution could be the
usual one of utilitarian peace. The greatest
difficulty in finding an exit from the war lies
precisely in this : that instead of seeking an
unusual way of ending and solution, suited
to the fact that this war developed under ab¬
normal conditions and by abnormal means —
for unusual cases, unusual remedies — peo¬
ple continue to circle around the customary
ideas of peace, themselves incapable of pro¬
viding the solution, and continue to postpone
until after a consequently impossible peace
the new radical adjustment of the Nations,
that should first be sought for, since in this
direction is the only true and worthy way of
exit to be found.

This absurd conduct of the men who on
one side or on the other are at the head of the
belligerent Nations, certainly shows the nar¬
row egotistical intention of ending the war
to their own advantage, thinking it problem¬
atical — or intending to make it so — whe¬
ther after the war the so often promised and
repromised international adjustment will be
made. But there is also the fact that radical
solutions, such as are needed in order to give
the Nations a new civilised adjustment, de¬
mand minds free from prejudice, in the pres¬
ent case free from the sins of royalty and
from imperialistic lusts; minds capable of the
superhuman energy which the case demands.
And this is the supreme reason of our appeal
to you, Americans, who, being already a peo¬
ple freer from prejudices, are in this case also
free from royal and imperial sins and capable
of the superhuman efforts needed to lead to
the INTERNATIONAL constitution, and to the
creation of the International Centre of Com¬
munication. — This, while it is really a great
and worthy way of exit from the war, is at
the same time an open road toward human¬
ity’s true civil progress.

117

Such true progress will be impossible till
humanity has once for all been purged of the
political prejudices which, existing abun¬
dantly in European States, are also to some
extent to be found in your own American
States, since you carried them over with you
in the customs you received from the higher
classes of Europe. The fact of your being a
people originally descended from workers
certainly makes your minds less contorted
and less inclined to sophistry. But take care,
however. Because of your excusable fault
of having been too much absorbed in forming
for yourselves a rich basis for existence; be¬
cause of your excusable fault of having had
to accept blindly a great deal of Europe’s
morality, that is, to receive without having
time to discuss them many ideas from the
fields of science and religion, of family and
of art; because of your excusable fault of not
having been able, consequently, to become
sublime and paramount in those old prejudic¬
ed fields as you have become in the virgin
ones of mechanics and electricity; because of
all these your excusable faults, there is a
great deal of empiricism in your political in¬
stitutions — even in your Monroe Doctrine
itself — unworthy of your new and positive
understanding of life. And this will make
the effort on behalf of which we appeal to you
the greater; the effort of becoming the lead¬
ers in this new and great civil enterprise :
the international constitution.

Americans, the effort required to reach
this goal is titanic, and it is natural that you
should become its centre of propulsion and
through your impulse, unite, save and enrich
the States of the Earth.

To be the propelling centre of such an
immense effort, which shall give to this hor¬
rible war an extraordinarily noble solution,
and turn humanity toward true civil prog¬
ress, this, O Americans, is the great and glo¬
rious task to which destiny calls you and for
which your intervention is indispensable —
a solution fine enough to win forgivemess for
the war as having been a calamity without
which the attainment of so much good would
have been impossible.

A WORLD CENTRE

i x8

The time is past when one conquering
State can moralise and civilise the rest. The
elevated consciences of peoples are todaj?
such that new morals and a better civilisation
can only be the result of international im¬
pulses flowing from the heart of the most
cosmopolitan and freest people towards those
of all other peoples and thence again to this
heart. You are the most cosmopolitan and
freest people. You, therefore, are predes¬
tined — with hearts throbbing, to give the
first impulse toward the new human morality
and civilisation — and to be responded to by
the throbbing hearts of all other peoples. It
is for you to< attract those who have most
genius in the various Nations, to call to your
side those who are longing to blend their in¬
novating fecundity with your own, and to
raise yourselves in all Nations, together with
them, as guides of governments and of hu¬
manity — by modern rather than by media¬
eval domination; by moral rather than by
conquering or imperialistic dominations; by
the domination of new ideas and human ab¬
negations that have not a foreign but a cosmo¬
politan character, while at the same time re¬
taining an American charm.

Since, briefly, one Nation’s turn of
greatness was lost to it — a turn of economic
and moral domination, which seemed durable
and which would have been durable if the
people who created it by marvellous work
had not been betrayed with real high treason
— since this turn failed, Americans, if able
to grasp it, your turn has come for true great¬
ness. Not that of the past — the rapacious
and barbaric greatness of regional bounda¬
ries. That of the new era — the legal
and civil greatness of human ties, hy which
civilisation begins to take the whole Earth
as basis; ceases to be local, dwarfed hypocri¬
tical, farcical as it has been till our times.

May the magnificent work of salvation,
which humanity so urgently needs — in the
midst of such shameful barbarism and such
cruel massacres — be promoted by you with
strength, with generosity, with all that elec¬
trical energy which is yours and for which
the world admires you.

In the sublime task before 3/011, O Amer¬
icans, lies everybody’s salvation — even your
own, for over you hangs the catastrophe of
decadence, which would be brought about
first of all by the armaments made necessary
in greater numbers than those of Europe.
« I hate war », said one of your ex-Presidents
in presenting his candidacy at the last elec¬
tions, « but the only way of avoiding it is ac-
tively to prepare for it». After what has
been said, it is to be hoped that 3^ou do not
believe this to be the only way. Germany
also said that it actively prepared for war in
order to avoid it. This was a conventional
way of speaking and signified «in order to
make it».

In the task before you, O Americans,
there is the same nobility and purity as lay
in the task which moved your Puritan Fa¬
thers when they set sail towards your uncor¬
rupted soil. Fulfil it with the same pride
that so many of your noted people have
shown since the beginning of the war by
sending public messages of sympathy and
expressions of solidarity to the attacked na¬
tions. Fulfil it with the pride that ran
through your President’s words and acts.
But fulfil it without vague aspirations, with¬
out vague protests, without vague and il¬
lusory hopes of peace. Fulfil your task, O
Americans, in a positive way; so that the
present calamity really cannot be repeated,
and that this may be ensured by the only real
guarantee , that of constitutional law.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Part I.

GENERIC HISTORICAL FACTS OF GOVERNMENT.

PAGE

CHAPTER I. — From Anarchy to Government — From the Barbarism of Individuals
in the non-State of anarchical Independences among themselves, to the Primitive
Civilisation of these Individuals here and there legally organised into Tribe States . 3

CHAPTER II. — From the Barbarism of Tribes in the non-State of anarchical Indepen¬
dences among themselves, to the amplified Civilisation of City, Kingdom, Empire

States here and there legally organised. 7

CHAPTER. III. — The Two State Sores. n

CHAPTER IV. — The Kings. 15

CHAPTER V. — Greatness and Decadence of Empires, Civilisations and Races ... 21

CHAPTER VI. — Empirical National Constitutions.31

CHAPTER VII. — The Chaotic Period.q 7

Part II.

THE LIGHT OF A POSITIVE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT.

CHAPTER I. — The Light of Science.

CHAPTER II. — Foundations of a Positive Science of Government deduced from the
Generic Historical Facts.

The Three Human Forces, of Mind, of Body and of Wealth.

II.

The Struggle for Existence among Men is worse than that among Beasts. And it
is Barbarous so long as they are in Anarchical Liberty and Independence .

120

INDEX OF THE CHAPTERS

III.

From the non-State of Anarchy to the State of Government. Authority, Law, Rights

and Duties, Despotism and Tyranny, Rulers and Ruled.72

IV.

Justice, Injustice and Pardon. The Value of Agreements.76

The Pentalogue of the Positive Foundations of Government.78

CHAPTER III. — Positive Inferences of Government derived from the Positive Foun¬

dations of Government.79

Liberty and Force are the Two Supreme Words of Government.79

II.

Civilisation is a Progressive Word of Progressive Government.83

III.

War and Peace are Barbarous Words, that is, Words of Barbarous Anarchy and

Non-existent Government.85

IV.

Fatherland is the Sacred Word of Government.88

Pentalogue of the Positive Inferences of Government.89

CHAPTER IV. — Scientific National Constitutions. The International Constitution . . 93

CHAPTER V. — The True International State.103

PART II

A WORLD CENTRE

COMMUNICATION
ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

A REPORT COMPILED

JEREMIAH W. JENKS, PH. D„ L. L. D.

FORMER PROFESSOR OF GOVERNMENT

AND DIRECTOR OF THE DIVISION OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS, NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
MEMBER OF THE UNITED STATES IMMIGRATION COMMISSION

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CHAPTER I.

A WORLD CITY, A PRACTICAL IDEAL.

The thought of a city that should develop
and perfect humanity is as old as civilisa¬
tion. But the conception has changed with
the changing ages.

Plato in his Republic dreams of a city
of perfect justice. In it the wise men, the
philosophers, would make and enforce the
laws and, guided by their wisdom and the
perfect morality springing from their wis¬
dom, would so govern as to facilitate the
greatest possible happiness for all. And yet
Plato’s perfect city state contemplated only
freedom of thinking and acting for the favour¬
ed intellectual few. The great masses were
still to toil to make possible the life-giving
thoughts of the philosophers.

The great Christian poet of the prophetic
vision of the Revelation, had likewise his vi¬
sion of the perfect city. Its perfection he pic¬
tured in material terms of streets of gold with
gates of a single pearl, but to it he also attrib¬
uted moral and Spiritual perfection. For
the redeemed of all the earth were to be its
inhabitants and, free from care, were to join
in singing praises to the perfect God who had
created the city for their enjoyment, and who
at the same time had created an abode of hor¬
ror for those of mankind controlled by their
lower natures. Probably the great apocalyp¬
tic poet was picturing a city of another world.
It is by no means clear, however, that his
perfect city was not intended to be merely a
city of the future, of which the site should

be an earthly location as definite as Rome
or Constantinople. In any event, the vision
of this city was intended to awaken in men
a desire for a better and nobler life which
should lead the poet’s fellow-men toward a
purer, more beautiful, more nearly perfect
civilisation.

And again at the beginning of modern
days, the Italian philosopher Campanella in
his City of the Sun, and the great Lord Chan¬
cellor of England, Sir Thomas More, in his
Utopia, with many others earlier and later,
have given rein to their imaginations. By
their pictures of an ideal city they have in
turn attempted to fire mankind with nobler
purposes. They have hoped that these no¬
ble purposes might work out practically
through some form of civic organisation
which should subdue the evil passions and
stimulate the beneficent motives of individ¬
uals, that there might little by little be realis¬
ed a perfecting of humanity.

Those great inventions of modern days
— the steamship, the railroad, the telegraph,
the telephone, which have served to bring
all civilised mankind into close touch — the
thought and purpose of each being instanta¬
neously given to his fellow half the world
around — have broadened the conception of
this city, which should be an uplifting force
for all humanity. Almost from the date of
the publication of Hugo Grotius’ great work
on War and Peace in 1625, the minds of think-

A WORLD CENTRE

ing men have been turned toward the idea
of world unity. This unity should not spring
from a world domination like that of ancient
Rome, nor from purely ideal conceptions like
those of the poet philosophers. It should
be practical. It should be capable of ulti¬
mate realisation through the development of
the idea of justice among nations and arrange¬
ments made between the rulers of different
states. Influenced by these ideas, the great
philosopher, Immanuel Kant, even before
the day of modern inventions, had dreamed
of a form of organisation and communion be¬
tween states which should lead to perpetual
peace.

Again, it is the pen of a poet, Alfred Ten¬
nyson, painting pictures of the future, which
has made common to all the English-speak¬
ing races, a conception of a world unity.
This new conception is not based primarily
upon the idea of building throughout the
world model cities, inhabited by perfect be¬
ings. It is the practical conception that
through international agreements regarding
political activities, modern statesmen might
in fact bring about a « parliament of men, a
federation of the world, » which from its very
nature would do away with wars. With war
abolished, the rapid growth of industry, the
multiplication and diffusion of wealth, toge¬
ther with the moral uplift naturally resulting
from such changed conditions, should lend
an impulse to the development of the best in
civilisation which would give us in no distant
future, not indeed a Paradise like that of the
vision of Revelation, but a greatly improved
everyday world where normal human beings
with their qualities of strength and weakness
might dwell in happier state.

It has remained, however, for a man of
our day to think out and work out the detail¬
ed plans for a World Centre of civilisation
that is not merely a vision, but is practicable;
that does not deal primarily with future gen¬
erations but with the present one; that does
not require a world wide intellectual or ethi¬
cal education of the masses, but merely the
studious attention of a few broad-minded stat¬
esmen. It is only necessary that these stat¬

esmen be willing to give a few days of study
to understand the practical methods by which
the plan is to be developed, and then to take
prompt action, such as they are in the habit
of doing from month to month, from day to
day. For this project is no more difficult
than the everyday work of cutting canals,
planting forests, building railroads, erecting
great public buildings and planning the or¬
ganisation of administrative commissions for
the promotion of literature and art and scien¬
ce and politics.

In the first volume of the present work :
« Creation of a World Centre of Commu¬
nication )> which has been presented to the
Rulers, Parliaments, libraries and univer¬
sities of the world, are found detailed des¬
criptions and explanations of the plan con¬
ceived by the author for the World Centre
and great city in which there should be
brought together, for purposes of comparison
and study and education and inspiration, the
works, the thoughts, the associated personal¬
ities of the leading thinkers in all lines of
human activity. In that volume is indicated
the way in which all the qualities of mankind
— physical, intellectual, artistic, moral —
would be stimulated, to the great benefit of
humanity. Its author has shown how,
through international association within this
great central city, the progress of society will
be furthered and civilisation ennobled.

The purpose of the present report is less
attractive, but perhaps no less necessary in
bringing about the establishment of a World
Centre. Business men and statesmen must
be shown that the ideal is practical, that it
will pay economically. No business man
will care to influence his government toward
the establishment of the World City, unless
he sees clearly the prospect of a good return
to his business and to his countrymen. No
respectable minister of state will recommend
to his legislature or parliament the action
necessary to the cooperation of his state with
others for the establishment and maintenance
of such a centre, until he is convinced that
the people of his state are to receive a benefit
from this World Centre that will liberally

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

compensate them for all the effort and wealth
expended.

The purpose of this report, then, is not
primarily to stimulate the hope of a rapid
furtherance of international justice, nor even
of universal peace, although these objects may
be, indeed, it is hoped they will be realised.
Its aim is rather to show how international
cooperation has, in the past, improved man¬
ufactures, attracted capital and labour to
countries whose resources were unknown,
and extended and created markets; and how
the World Centre, as a focus of world science
and culture and a permanent world exhibi¬
tion, will produce all these effects in a higher
degree. It aims to show further that the
World Centre, by furnishing a central meet¬
ing place, and a central point for the collec¬
tion and dissemination of information, will
hasten the solution of all those problems,
moral, governmental, scientific and commer¬
cial, which affect business more or less di¬
rectly. The reader must look in this volume,
not for an eloquent presentation of ideals, but
for a compact, definite statement of facts and
results.

A Clearing House for the World's Best.

The World Centre is to be a centre of
business, science and intelligence, hbused in
special buildings and located within the
boundaries of a model city. Works of art,
scientific discoveries and new inventions
will be shown, thus forming an intelligent
centre of ideas, methods, exchange, relations
and propagandas, and a material centre of
collections and of persons devoted as much to
the study as to the management of affairs
having a world-wide and universal character.
It will be the world clearing-house for all that
is best in civilisation.

The basis of material progress, both in¬
dividual and national, is economic success.
In the World Centre, therefore, will be held
a permanent exposition illustrating the latest
developments, not’ only in art, but also in
science, agriculture, mining, manufacture,

transportation, trade and commerce. The
exhibits will be kept up to date, furnishing
the best possible opportunity for comparative
study and a constant incentive to progress.
All the best that the world knows and does
will be concentrated here.

The Centre as planned embodies two
distinct ideas perfectly welded and finely
executed one within the other : an Interna-

tional Centre, situated at the heart of a model
city.

This city proper will be a modern city
divided into residential, business and indus¬
trial quarters, very much like other cities.
But it will be so planned that daylight, elec¬
tric light, air, ease of circulation, comfort and
convenience, as well as hygiene and sanita¬
tion will be everywhere studied. Everything
that science has done and everything that ex¬
perience has taught as being of service will
be incorporated in the International City.

In the stately and beautiful buildings of
the centre, all human interests will have their
place. Art, religion, education, jurispru¬
dence, philosoph}/, all the sciences, physical
culture and business, will have their halls
and exhibitions, wherein may gather the best
minds of the world. The nations will have
their national buildings in which to present
their topography, samples of their natural
products, their commerce and industry, and
thus aid the solid development of their pros¬
perity.

In the field of jurisprudence we now have
established several international organisa¬
tions of importance, such as the Inter-Par¬
liamentary Union and the Hague Tribunals.
But we need greater concentration and more
enduring effort than has yet been established.
A coherent system of international law, per¬
haps even of criminal law, might best be
planned and carried out only by a body of
jurists sitting continually. Should an In¬
ternational Constitution finally be adopted,
the International Assembly’s natural seat
would be in the heart of the World Centre,
whose most prominent feature is a World
Court of Justice.

A WORLD CENTRE

The Temple of Religions will afford a
sort of central headquarters where represen¬
tatives of all religions may study religious
symbols and literatures collected in its mu¬
seums and libraries, and take cognisance of
the truth of each system. Differences in reli¬
gion are no longer the main causes of inter¬
national wars with their attendant economic
and social losses, but undoubtedly differen¬
ces of creed and ideal still lead to suspicion
and alienation. The supplementing of one
another’s faith, the growth of tolerance, per¬
haps even the establishment of a common ap¬
proach to a common God, will undoubtedly
lead to a closer communion of the world, to
freer international intercourse and trade and
to a closer cooperation for world-wide uplift
and progress.

The Halls of Progress, of Philosophy,
and of the Sciences, theoretical and applied,
within the Centre will afford sanctuary for
the scientific spirit; they will be visible sym¬
bols of human achievement, and by encour¬
aging research and investigation into the real
truth of things, will give wings to a passion¬
ate quest which will extend beyond self and
nation to the world and wdiich shall, in virtue
of world-wide cooperation and study, permit
discovery and the adaptation of knowledge
to practical ends without waste, and so con¬
tribute to world progress.

The universal Museums of Art, Music
and Literature will be veritable sources of
inspiration for both the layman and the pro¬
fessional, forming a meeting place for the lov¬
ers of beauty. The ample opportunity af¬
forded for study, for the display of a great
work of art, or for the production of a new
and unheard opera, should do much to pro¬
mote these fundamental components of pres¬
ent-day culture, stimulating producers to
greater effort by offering them an ever ready
opportunity to present their work before the
world’s best juries, and to have it circulated
thence, when so desired, through the leading
cities of the world.

The Centre for Physical Culture will unite
all efforts toward physical perfection. Tak¬

ing athletics out of the hands of professional
speculators, its aim will be to gather all
knowledge that will help toward the rational
development of the human body and to offer
not only a vast meeting ground for world
athletics, but also facilities for the training of
teachers who shall set higher standards and
carry back to all parts of the world the results
of the best thought and effort from every
country.

The Institution of Higher Learning will
answer a growing need : that of international
education, taking into account all parts of the
world in their relation to one another. It
will afford an opportunity for gathering to¬
gether, coordinating and diffusing the results
of scientific investigation carried on in any
part of the world, and will form a centre of
unification for knowledge and a point of de¬
parture for new progress.

Moreover, it will afford opportunity for
the educationalists of the world to meet, ex¬
change ideas, compare scholastic systems and
devise methods for answering the needs of
the increasing masses of the Barth’s popu¬
lation, who multiply with such rapidity that
to combat ignorance and adequately to supply
instruction has become one of the greatest
problems of the age.

From such a Centre, open moreover to
students and graduates from all national ins¬
titutions by a system, as it were, of irrigation,
the experience and constructive efforts of the
best minds in all nations will flow back into
the universities, colleges and schools of every
country, however far removed from the Cen¬
tre, facilitating, with an immense saving of
time, labour and money, the ever changing
and urgent problem of keeping pace with the
people’s need for education.

In the field of business the World Centre
will serve with even greater effectiveness.
There is no doubt but that the problems of
capital and labour are rapidly becoming the
acutest of our age and are tending to absorb
all other economic and political issues. As
they arise, they inevitably assume a more or

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

less international character. The problems
of transport, communication, foreign ex¬
change, marketing, finance, banking, insur¬
ance and the like, are also becoming of inter¬
national import and can no longer be handled
strictly on a national basis. In fact, many
business activities are now represented by
international associations or gatherings and
many more need only a slight impulse to
effect similar organisations. Their efforts,
like their headquarters, are not centralised,
and their work is not always the most effi¬
cient.

At the same time, the consciousness of
their common interest has drawn workers to¬
gether. They have become aware of the ne¬
cessity for cooperation; means of communi¬
cation and widely diffused information have
tended to standardisation and today there is
slowly emerging a truly international class
of men, who follow employment the world
over, who mine gold now in America, now in
Australia, who follow the sun from hemis¬
phere to hemisphere, harvesting the crops
both north and south of the equator, who are
equally at home in Italy or Argentina, and
who are gradually losing every trace of spe¬
cific nationality but the name. Thus capital
on the one side and labour on the other, are
rapidly broadening in significance until today
their reciprocal position has become an issue
as vital as the lives of nations themselves, and
containing, if not satisfactorily expressed and
determined, a grave danger for civilisation.
The World Centre will provide a spot where
problems of labour and the more specific
questions of communication, finance, and the
marketing of products can be best discussed
by competent men who will endeavour to find
satisfactory and equitable solutions.

This Centre will be a vast clearing house
of information, an international headquarters
for the compilation and dissemination of in¬
formation concerning all the sciences, both
pure and applied, a veritable statistical cen¬
tre for the world, a world research laboratory
and university, a world meeting place for
mind and facts in the search for greater truth
and justice.

Whatever is gathered there will be per¬
manent. For the World Centre will proba¬
bly be located on neutralised territory outside
the jurisdiction of any single nation and un¬
der the protection of them all. The build¬
ings and collections housed therein will be
free from attack in case of war; and no fear
need be felt that the important records, li¬
braries and exhibitions of art and natural
history, whose permanence is so desirable,
will be destroyed by invading armies. The
stability of the city and of all the work housed
therein will thus be guaranteed. The assur¬
ance of such permanency should lead to great¬
er efforts towards assembling information
and material available for the promotion of
the world’s progress, and .should ultimately
result in the establishment of the world’s
greatest collection of material for human
knowledge.

This concentration of the elements of
progress will realise an ideal toward which
man has struggled throughout his history.
From time immemorial, man and nature have
been waging a conflict —man, weak and help¬
less in respect to physical power, and na¬
ture, a group of unflinching and irresistible
forces. But man has learned to use nature;
his intelligence enabling him to direct her
forces. He toils in the earth in order to pro¬
duce food, he builds himself cover, from clay
or wood or stone, and erects temples unto the
deities whose anger he desires to avert, and
whose esteem he aims at wooing.

Religion, science, invention, art, music,
the drama, architecture, literature and the
movement toward physical and mental edu¬
cation as well, have been by-products of man’s
instinctive and intelligent reaction to his en¬
vironment. The primitive wants which have
guided him in this struggle with nature have
led to modern civilisation.

Soterios Nicholson in a book entitled :
« The World City of Civilisation, » traces
this process of the unifying of human endeav¬
our to the next logical step — the creation
of a World Centre, where in physical space
and time human forces can meet. He points

A WORLD CENTRE

out that, from the beginning, man has been
forced, in his conflict with external, natural
forces, to collect available forces and system¬
atise their employment. Thus has proceed¬
ed the slow and patient movement toward
human organisation, united efforts and coop¬
erative action. ((Families, tribes, nations —
spiritual and secular hierarchies, cities and
states, all forms of political groupings in fact,
have been steps in the progression ». Exist¬
ing differences should not be submerged
with the end of producing a uniform type,
but, on the contrary, these differences
should be coordinated in terms of a common
aim and a true unity realised through the co¬
operation in equal degree of each constituent
part in the whole.

Human, forces must be concentrated a-
gainst the forces of nature; we can no longer
be obsessed by the fallacious conviction that
man is his own enemy. The battle of hu¬
manity is to subdue nature and make her a
ready servant in the satisfaction of our in¬
most and highest ideals. Bonds of sympathy
and love which will cement individuals
together into compact and coherent social
groups must be knit; mutual jealousies
and recriminations must cease to be; the
wastage of human energies must be prevent¬
ed. To accomplish these ends, humanity
must be organised in terms of physical unity.

The physical energies of men, in other words,
should be so correlated as to spend themselves
in common work, with the least waste and
with the largest results. Certain men have
done much to bind humanity in a closer unity.
They have invented the, telegraph, the tele¬
phone and wireless telegraphy; they have
constructed the ship to span the seas, and the
locomotive to cover the land, and the postal
service to reach to the ends of the earth.
Why should these movements toward greater
mutual approach stop where they are? —
Why should not men find other and better
means of drawing yet closer to their fellows,
preparing the way for the day when human
solidarity will be a fact and not an ideal?

Whatever affects the welfare of the var¬
ious peoples is a matter of economic impor¬
tance ; whatever tends to hasten the concen¬
tration of the attack upon the world’s prob¬
lems — moral, governmental, or scientific
increases the well-being of the world.
Business itself, therefore, will be an impor¬
tant interest of the World Centre. The Cen¬
tre will provide for the study of business prob¬
lems, the collection and dissemination of
business information, and the furnishing of
business men with the means of extending
their markets. These functions of the
World Centre are the main concern of this
book.

CHAPTER II.

GROWTH OF INTERNATIONALISM AND NEED FOR A WORLD CENTRE.

No longer is the world’s progress meas¬
ured by the individual progress of the sev¬
eral nations considered separately. Men of
many nations, and nations themselves, have
united in their efforts to improve econo¬
mic and social conditions, to devise ways and
means of carrying out in a concerted manner,
their plans for transforming all that to-day
appears halting or deficient. Cooperation in¬
creases efficiency and efficiency is the ideal
of the age. When men finally discovered
that disease and deformity might be grad¬
ually eradicated, that they themselves might,
after ages of blind groping, consciously
direct the course of their own development
and lend a hand to make the wheel of evolu¬
tion turn more rapidly, a new era began.
But conscious action by all the inhabitants of
the globe would barely suffice to give the de¬
sired result. The small group now striving
to direct evolution must be enlarged. Co¬
operation knows no territorial limits.

The past has laboriously evolved many
forms of associations, local and national;
some few have taken on yet broader aims.
In certain instances men are now working
upon a world basis, forgetting national boun¬
daries and racial prejudices and will be oblig¬
ed to do so more than ever in the future.
Though the abstract ideal of a world state has
apparently been neglected, world-wide coop¬
eration in all human activities, each interest
extending its influence to all corners of the
globe, that is the tendency of today and the

master-word of tomorrow. Universal coop¬
eration is filling the void between the individ¬
ual and humanity left by the disappearance
of the old cosmopolitical ideal. It is creating
living institutions organised to meet world¬
wide economic and social needs.

For generations men have been accustom¬
ed to think in terms of national sovereignty.
They have found in national life the ultimate
end of human endeavour. Before the eight¬
eenth century world unity was a poetic
dream to be indulged in by a few unpracti¬
cal and somewhat unpopular philosophers.
Cosmopolitanism, as the creed of a man with¬
out a country, was despised. The few who
talked of the world state above and dealt
with the rational individual below, found
nothing and made nothing to bind so vast a
structure. The old cosmopolitans, noble
minded as they were, lacked true construc¬
tive force because they were not tolerant
of conditions as they found them. They
brought forth only a rational ideal, to which
they expected their fellowmen to adhere.
They did not recognise the principle that
man’s nature must be raised gradually
through the many stages of life, finally to
be turned from selfish individualism to more
comprehensive aims of civilisation.

World unity is real. There is a growing
consciousness of this fact in the minds of pub¬
lic spirited men. Our economic structure
is being centralised. World’s markets for

A WORLD CENTRE

money and produce have been established.
The press and the theatre are producing psy¬
chological unity. The great inventions in
the field of transportation and communication
have actually girdled us into a physical unity.
The genius of the world and the resources
of the world are no longer exclusively for the
nation within whose borders they are found.
Now-a-days no nation reckons them other¬
wise than for the world at large. Psycholog¬
ically, mentally and socially, human unity
is a fact. The great currents of feeling,
which from time to time have passed over vast
sections of the globe, the barbarian emigra¬
tions, the Crusades, the strange and amirable
« wander lust» which led to the discovery of
the American Continent and the sea route
from Europe to the East, were not restricted
to single nations. For centuries scientists,
chemists and physicists in laboratories and
astronomers upon mountain tops, have been
linked the world over and have felt them¬
selves bound by the knowledge that only
through their united efforts could their task
be crowned with success. Art, literature,
commerce, philosophy, law; none are nation¬
al or the product of a single nation.

Numerous scientific associations and un¬
ions, world wide in their operations, have
made international organisation an accom¬
plished fact. The number of public unions
formed shows how much the nations realise
the importance of international activities. A
number of these unions have been listed (Ap¬
pendix I), many of them having a corporate
organisation through which- they affect all of
the functions of government.

These various associations are establish¬
ed in order to secure a mutuality of advan¬
tage to the citizens of the various states, to
provide for a world-wide regulation of world¬
wide interests or' to secure uniformity, either
in control or in operation. In the practical
and theoretical sciences, in art, in commu¬
nication, in labour legislation, in the develop¬
ment and protection of agriculture, in the
protection of use of patents, in the admin¬
istration of criminal and sanitary science —
in all of these fields the full advantage of in¬

ternational cooperation lias long been under¬
stood and an effort toward it made, since each
country realised its need of the others. In
these fields the sovereign state has been forc¬
ed to humble itself before the advantages
offered by international organisation. It is
no longer believed that any isolated state can
gain for its citizens all the advantages of civ¬
ilisation. Nations rise and sink on the waves
of time, and the crest of culture is found now
in one, now in another land. Acting alone, a
state cannot offer to its citizens the protection
and incentive which can otherwise be obtain¬
ed. In the present state of world-wide civ¬
ilisation and intercourse, international coop¬
eration is an ethical duty arising from our
interdependence. And this duty is not based
upon a theoretical ideal, but upon the exist¬
ence of practical conditions which demand
its specific action. It is therefore both nec¬
essary and permanent. The realm of in¬
ternational organisation is an accomplished
fact.

It is largely because of the development
of these international associations and,
through them, of a world consciousness, that
a considerable effort has been made to have
the World Centre erected. Within the past
fifty years there has grown up a new concep¬
tion of the essential solidarity of the parts
into which the human race is divided. Un¬
til recently, social action halted when it reach¬
ed that synthesis which we call the nation.
But now, freed from the shackles of narrow
provincialism, grasping and believing in the
standard of a practical world unity, men of
all races and nations are harmonising and
combining their efforts toward social better¬
ment.

John Culbert Faries, in his book, The
Rise of Internationalism (tables i & 2 in Ap¬
pendix II are reproduced from his work), has
presented graphically the extent to which in¬
ternational cooperation has progressed among
the sovereign states of the world.

A partial analysis of the governmental ex¬
penditures of the United Kingdom, France,
the United States, Belgium, Italy and Ger-

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

many (table 3, Appendix II, compiled from
official government reports, indicates the na¬
ture and variety of these expenditures for the
6 countries named) shows what vast sums of
money are spent annually by the various gov¬
ernments for the conduct of these interna¬
tional associations and for the promotion and
development of international activities.

But large as are the functions of public
international unions and congresses, private,
unofficial congresses have ventured into far
broader and more interesting fields. Com¬
menting upon this Mr Faries says :

’’There is not a department of thought
or endeavour of any considerable group of
men in any civilised country that does not
reach into the international field of discussion.
There is no occupation nor profession, not
strictly local, but has relationships which
cross many state lines. The doctor and his
patient, the lawyer and his client, the minis¬
ter and the church member, the teacher and
the student, the merchant and the craftsman,
the trust magnate and the labour agitator, the
reformer and the criminal, the artist, the ath¬
lete, the philanthropist, the scientist, the suf¬
fragist, all these and more, find the topics
that interest or concern them discussed in
congresses where men from all parts of the
world come together ».

Mr Faries has carefully compiled a table
(Table 2, Appendix I) of these unofficial, pri¬
vate associations, conferences, etc., which in¬
dicates, even better than any description
could, how extensively the field of human
endeavour has already been organised on an
international basis.

With part of the field covered by private,
unofficial associations, other parts by sporad¬
ic, official congresses, the need for a perma¬
nent World Centre, officially recognised, is
plain. The erection of such a central insti¬
tution will enable these numerous associa¬
tions and congresses to aid each other to
support and coordinate their efforts and to
gain better fulfilment of their tasks than
is possible today when, their headquarters
are scattered throughout the world. Al¬
most/ every important city of the world is

now the seat of the permanent organisa¬
tion of some international activity. How
can cooperation among the various organ¬
isations be possible? The blood in the veins
of internationalism is cooperation, yet there
is no means available at present for the com¬
plete development- of the cooperative spir¬
it. Societies must furnish their own office
buildings, equip their own libraries, prepare
and distribute their own propaganda, and, to
almost an equal extent, conduct their own
researches. Much of the benefit to be derived
from these organisations is undoubtedly lost
thereby. Multiplication of expense and serv¬
ice cripples them and narrows the scope of
their activity. The erection of the World
Centre would render duplication vain and
give the associations the possiblity of that
far-reaching activity and that great and ef¬
fective work for which they were founded.

It is not possible to set forth statistically
the total loss due to these duplicated services
and multiplicated expenses, but with so many
organisations working independently, it must
be enormous. In the matter of compilation
of statistics and the founding of suitable libra¬
ries alone, much money must be squandered
annually. In the World Centre a universal
library can be established larger and better
than any now in existence. Copies of all of¬
ficial and private publications can be deposit¬
ed there and made available for all students.
A single building would house and a single
staff, selected from among the world’s best
librarians, would man a single library.

The reception, entertainment and trans¬
portation of delegates to international con¬
gresses could be accomplished more economi¬
cally and more effectively than is at present
possible.

A World Centre with its constantly
changing and ever up-to-date international
expositions, its vast libraries, museums, gal¬
leries, universities, reception halls, auditor¬
iums and places of amusement will afford an
ideal meeting place for these organisations
and will secure better and more interested at¬
tendance.

A WORLD CENTRE

Only when international associations are
centralised can they secure the public inter¬
est which is essential to vitality. The World
Centre once located and erected will soon be¬
come the natural destination of tourists and
the common meeting ground for all the peo¬
ples of the world. The public could, there¬
fore, at a single place, study world condi¬
tions, come into contact with the organisers
of the various international activities, view
and judge the work, resources and achieve¬
ments. of all the nations, and secure in a sin¬
gle visit a knowledge of world conditions
which could not otherwise be obtained ex¬
cept by travelling to all parts of the globe
and studying in all important centres. The
World Centre would thus make it easier for
one to acquire that knowledge of internation¬
al conditions and affairs so essential to the
development of broader sympathies and a
wider outlook. A single city could thus fur¬
nish to the traveller as large a proportion of
the advantages for study as the whole world
furnishes now.

International associations organised to
promote progress and better understanding
along all lines of international interest, such

as art, science, religion, economics, and so¬
cial conditions, will maintain headquarters
here, will come to this centre for their meet¬
ings and will so gain more intimate con¬
nection with life.

Thus, through bringing together the
headquarters of the societies and organisa¬
tions now established or later to be establish¬
ed, the World Centre will, in time, come to
be the recognised source for all statistical in¬
formation lying within the scope of the activ¬
ities of such societies. Particularly will it
be able to serve the public by compiling sta¬
tistics of the international conditions of trade
and commerce, production, in all its bran¬
ches, finance and demography. Various in¬
ternational organisations are now working in
many branches of these fields, but as yet no
concerted action is possible because of the
lack of concentration of these organisations.
Much of their work overlaps; who can say
how much can be gained through their coop¬
erative activity? To the business man, the
value of reliable statistical information con¬
cerning the conditions of business throughout
the world would be inestimable.

CHAPTER III.

PROBABLE INFLUENCE OF A WORLD CENTRE
ON INTERNATIONAL PEACE.

At the present time, the world is expe¬
riencing the greatest war in history. Never
before has such a contest of arms been seen;
never have such resources, mental and ma¬
terial, been employed in a work of slaughter.
Today one cannot gauge the total loss to the
human race such a war will entail; the loss
of human life is incalculable; the destruction
of property, the employment of capital in
unproductive machinery of war, defy the
economist, in proportion as the tenacity of
the nations flouts his predictions as to how
long such a hellish state can endure. With¬
out considering motives, we may say that
today the world realises that merely from
the economic viewpoint, the prevention of
War is among the greatest of present day
problems.

The losses of war do not fall upon the
belligerent countries alone. Each nation is
interested in and affected by the wars of other
nations. Its growth is retarded, its com¬
merce interrupted and its financial machin¬
ery crippled. Hence, each nation is vitally
interested in the prevention of war, whether
that war directly concerns it as a participant
or indirectly concerns it as a neutral with its
international rights unrecognised.

But however great the desire and how¬
ever large the resources expended to prevent
war, the professional pacifist has always
found to be abortive many plans which seem¬
ed most promising to him. Perhaps the

only success achieved by pacifism up to the
present time, is the demonstration that one
of the greatest causes of international fric¬
tion is the lack of understanding and trust
among nations. Accordingly, there) arises
the necessity of encouraging all projects
which will contribute to bring those nations
desirous of amicable relations with their
neighbours, into contact so that misunder¬
standings may be dispelled and conflicting
ambitions smoothed away.

The world needs to have the effort to
bring people of all callings in the different
nations into associations wdth one another,
systematised, in order that such an effort may
finally achieve something in the domain of
the real. Such a coordination of fraternal
aspirations should come as a result of govern ¬
mental initiative. Peoples now distrust one
another because they do not understand one
another. For this reason the seas are alive
with battleships and the frontiers bristle with
cannon. And the nations are rightly suspi¬
cious. So long as international anarchy is
accepted as a normal condition and each na¬
tion credits the others with its own worst
imaginings, a nation can trust only its own
virtues and strength and must distrust those
of the others.

The advantage of closer intercourse be¬
tween the nations cannot be over-estimated.
Knowledge of the different peoples will dis¬
sipate fear, with fear will go suspicion; hu-

A WORLD CENTRE

man nature will no longer admit the need for
these great armaments on land and sea. The
great nations spend in time of peace approxi¬
mate^ half of their revenue to support a bur¬
den which will then appear unnecessary; a
murderous load upon the shoulders and the
conscience of the whole human race will be
lifted, the cost of living will be reduced, and
the poor man made less poor.

There can be no doubt but that in the
past international associations, extensive
travel and expositions where national and
private activities, resources and genius have
been freely displayed, have tended to pro¬
mote a better understanding, and thus have
promoted friendship and peace. They have
tended to keep nations from going to blows
hastily and foolishly. International discus¬
sion of questions by those best informed
and most interested in them, has undoubt¬
edly conduced to this result. International
expositions have today come to be recognised
by all the civilised nations of the world.
Thus, narrow suspicions and secret aggres¬
sive diplomacy may gradually give place to
public confidence and public discussion.

The establishment of the World Centre
will be the natural culmination of such a
movement and will lead to the more complete
development of internationalism. Even in
times of peace, national boundary lines are
fast vanishing, almost against the will of
many nations, and it may well be conceived
that when the World Centre is fully estab¬
lished, the borders between the states will
gradually be reduced to conventional lines
useful for local self government, and all the
nations will be as free in the interchange of
products and activities as are the different
States in the United States and Germany
today.

Any arrangement having for its object
the lessening of the burdens and dangers of
all, should have the cooperation of military
men and pacifists alike. When the interna¬
tional city will be established in good faith,
the world will find its work and influence a
great protection for all the territorial and po¬

litical rights of every nation. With the vast
amount of property and human life thus sav¬
ed from destruction and devoted to con¬
structive work of every kind, it will not be
long before a different world will result.
When some international force is established
which will prove to the world that order and
security for all the rights of all nations can
be maintained without armed strife, people
will no longer be willing to bear the heavj^
burdens for the support of vast military estab¬
lishments, and reduced armaments will fol¬
low as a natural result.

President Eliot, formerly of Harvard
University, (U. S. A.) in his address at the
New York Peace Congress in 1907, dwelt
with great seriousness on the dense ignorance
of peoples concerning each other and show¬
ed how the distrust which results from
ignorance is a common cause or antecedent
condition of war. tie urged as one of the
things which we ought next to do, the taking
of practical steps toward increasing interna¬
tional publicity. « It would be better, » he
said, «if the civilised nations of the world
would unite in carrying on an international
bureau of publicity, just as a few civilised
nations united to keep blazing the great light¬
house of Cape vSpartel, when the govern¬
ment in whose territory the light is situated,
would not undertake the duty of maintaining
it. If we could extend the cooperative mode
of action, so that there would be in every
capital of the world, in every port where the
exports and imports of two or more nations
are constantly exchanged, in every great
frontier city, and every great centre of dis¬
tribution, an impartial, intelligent, expert
agent for international publicity, reporting
steadily and with dispatch to a central publi¬
cation office, an effective security would be
provided for international peace. We al¬
ready know the way to organise and conduct
such an enterprise. The news agencies of
the commercial world have shown us how;
the press of the world, the dailies, the week¬
lies, and the magazines, have shown us how.
If the nations will not thus combine, four or
five rich men, public spirited, humane, de¬
siring to serve their countries or the world,

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

could do it without national aid of any sort.
I would undertake to name four or five Amer¬
icans who together are capable of doing this
great service to the whole world)).

The World Centre would be an effective
means of bringing about this publicity con¬
cerning which President Eliot spoke so for¬
cibly. Plans have been made for housing a
great international press and news syndicate,
to which the press of the various nations will
be asked to adhere. This need for a reliable
distributing centre of news has come to be
felt with increasing intensity. Today, in
this moment of crisis, the international mon¬
ey market depends for the information ac¬
cording to which it fixes values for the entire
world, upon an unreliable press service.
Governments will indeed continue for a long
time to « use » the press of their respective
countries, but greater and greater becomes
the need for a distributing centre of true in¬
formation. More and more the public in
enlightened countries is becoming disgusted
with falsehood and slander at the expense of
other countries, for which those responsible
for the newspapers and periodicals are not
themselves to be blamed, since they are mere¬
ly victims of disorganisation in the news¬
paper world. The world needs a point
whence government statements and interna¬
tional news items can be distributed all over
the globe, uniform in wording and free from
any tampering by interested persons. The
press is too essential an activity, too terrible
a weapon, to be left in the hands of a limited
number of individuals, who exploit public
credulity for mean personal ends. Sooner
or later an international impersonal news bu¬
reau, which all governments will have an
interest in maintaining untainted, will come
into being. This organisation will not sup¬
press the various private agencies and news
services, but will complete them, and prevent
any one of them from playing practical jokes
upon the public of a given country.

In the World Centre space has been pro¬
vided in the Towner of Progress for press bu¬
reaus and offices, completely equipped com¬
posing, printing and disseminating rooms.

The Tower will be topped by a great wireless
station at the disposal of all, but upon which
the world press will have certain particular
claims.

Not only will the World Centre hold
the machinery for disseminating information
to enlighten the nations about each other, but
its great expositions will enable the people
of the different nations to make independent
and individual studies for themselves. There
is so much evidence which leads us to
believe that international expositions in the
past have been strong factors in promoting
peace and friendship, that we are forced
to the conclusion that the establishment
of the World Centre will have the same
effect.

Patrick Geddes, writing in the Contem¬
porary Review (Vol. 78, P. 666-669), con¬
cerning the Paris Exposition of 1900, says
with regard to the influence of that exposi¬
tion on peace :

« That this, by far the vastest and most
representative gathering of men and of
'things, of all kindreds, kingdoms, nations
and languages in the entire course of history,
should have come and gone almost without
accident, without disorder, without any evil
fairy at the feast, is much; that it should have
brought together some representation of
well-nigh all thei forces of material, intel¬
lectual and even moral, progress is more;
that it should have so multiplied personal re¬
lations, so strengthened general good feeling
and international amity, is most of all. Yet

this is but.a case of the increase of good

understanding, which has been so manifest
amid the changing crowds of all nations, in
their relations with each other, and, of
course, most of all with the nations and city
which have so richly spread the feast, so ad¬
mirably and courteously fulfilled the part of
host amid the many cares and tasks and trials
inevitable in such a colossal and motley
gathering. And though wars may disturb or
threaten, and peace may still for a time stag¬
ger under her armour, it is much that there
should be henceforth in our generation

A WORLD CENTRE

these millionfold witnesses to the essential
and organic unity, the true internationalism,
of civilisation and progress ».

The World Centre was conceived in or¬
der to gather together the essential interests
of all peoples and to facilitate the rapid ful¬
filment of their highest aims and aspirations.
The establishment of an international Court
of Justice in the midst of a scientific and eco¬
nomic centre will undoubtedly further the
step already taken toward better interna¬
tional economic relations.

Moreover, such a centre would afford an
opportunity for bringing together all inter¬
national organisations, and would harmonise
the numerous associations which, though
vivified by similar intentions, cannot, be¬
cause they lack a central meeting place, coop¬
eration and coordination, accomplish their
task with all the desired amplitude. It
would bring the nations together in a peace¬
ful way to discuss and further science, phi¬
losophy, art, law, religion — thus furnishing
a tremendous impetus to the progress of the
world. It would result in many economies
through cooperative activity.

The development of mutuality, of the
spirit of international cooperation on lines
of particular interests whether economic,
scientific, social, aesthetic or religious can¬
not fail to result from the establishment of
such a World Centre. Regardless of race,
or politics, men will be united in the pursuit
of a common end which binds them together.
Friendship, sympathy and a spirit of cooper¬
ation raise themselves from the depths of
human consciousness and overcome differ¬
ences of race, speech and custom. A spirit¬
ual unity develops which harmonises the
physical differences of the world. World¬
consciousness supplants nationalism.

When men have caught such a world-
vision, even though it be along only a single
line of activity or progress, they will not tol¬

erate its envelopment in the smoke of con¬
flict or the dust clouds of misunderstanding.
Sectionalism, nationalism must give way to
broader, larger things. The new interests
abhor war because it interferes with progress
in the lines fostered by them, because it en¬
genders hatred where mutuality prevailed,
because it hinders the work of the human
race.

The World City may not prevent war,
but will hinder it, and will make it less se¬
vere and bring a quicker and more lasting
peace, because it will enable internationalism
to attain a fuller growth. And the only way
to remove the conditions which bring about
the periodical occurences of wars, is to build
up an international consciousness. Such a
consciousness cannot be created out of noth¬
ing — there must be back of it a feeling of
real unity of purpose.

The question of war will take care of it¬
self if only we continue to develop these in¬
ternational organisations and interests. As
they grow in strength, the world will de¬
mand that they be exempted from the in¬
fluence and ravages of war. And if war
come, in the common interests of mankind,
its horror and dangers will be confined to the
active combatants, as they should be.

Excluding the Balkan and present wars,
the cost in money of all the important wars
during the last century and a quarter, the
number of men engaged and the number lost,
are indicated in Table 6 of Appendix II.
These are not official figures. They are
estimates, but estimates made by trained
scholars and statisticians; and they can after
all represent only a small part of the loss of
life and treasure. Twenty-three billion dol¬
lars expended in the direct costs of war!
More than five million lives lost! That
these figures have already been surpassed by
the present war alone, is evident. The mon¬
ey cost already exceeds ninety billion dol¬
lars or enough to build over a hundred World
Centres on the scale of the one proposed.

CHAPTER IV.

PUBLIC ADVANTAGES OF THE WORLD CENTRE.

It is to the interest of all nations to be
known to one another in order that they may
learn how they can best contribute to the
general progress. Only by such interchange
of knowledge can they appreciate what
services they can render to other nations and
what services other nations can render to
them.

Up to the present time such knowledge
has been spread abroad sometimes by pam¬
phlets and articles and more rarely through
the agency of government exhibits at In¬
ternational Expositions. The growth of in¬
ternational relations has been rather the
result of blind necessity than of conscious and
scientific effort. There exist works on com¬
parative politics and administration, but
these are scarcely comprehensive in their
scope and soon become out of date.

Only the countries in which the exhi¬
bitions have been held have presented really
comprehensive exhibits, as their temporary
character and the cost of transportation were
obstacles too great for other countries to
overcome. Owing to its permanent and
comprehensive character, the exhibition in
the World Centre will be somewhat different
from any previously held. Each nation will,
of course, be free to show what it likes; but
it is hoped that exhibits of permanent value
to the world will be gathered, rather than
those which would profit single producers or
manufacturers. Thus geological, geogra¬

phical, mineralogical and agricultural charts
of each country, showing the rock strata,
topography, mineral deposits and the areas
suitable for growing various products, with
accompanying statistics telling the amount
and development of production, the com¬
parative population, the areas open for de¬
velopment etc. of each country might well
serve as a beginning for the exhibits. Fur¬
ther than this, the nations might specialise.
England might exhibit methods of cotton
spinning and weaving, or of shipbuilding,
with suitable models. Germany could offer
illustrations of its national organisation and
the fruits of patient toil. France of luxuries
and of inventions. Russia of mineral oils,
Japan of silks, porcelains and fancy wares,
the United States of grains and practical im¬
plements. Thus all the real achievements
of the nations would be at the disposal of
any who cared to take advantage of them.
Owing to international organisation, in¬
ventors might exhibit without fear of having
their patents stolen. Through comparison
the best product of the human brain would
rightly prevail over inferior types.

Demonstrations of administrative and
governmental organisation, of habits, laws
and customs would greatly benefit the world.
In proof of this a few illustrations only need
be cited. In some of these instances, gov¬
ernments were able to take quick advantage
of experience in other countries, in others
only after the lapse of some time. All, how-

A WORLD CENTRE

ever, show the advantage to one country of
watching the spread and adoption of new
ideas in neighbouring states.

Initiative and Referendum

The principles of initiative and refer¬
endum in law making were introduced in the
Swiss Cantons shortly after the revolutionary
movement of 1830 and throughout the Swiss
Federation in 1874. Even as late as 1888 the
nature and - - to most people — the very name
of the referendum were unknown in America,
and it was not until 1898 that the initiative
was incorporated into an American state
constitution.

In 1913, direct legislature was in force in
all the Swiss Cantons, except Freiburg; in
the Commonwealth of Australia; in Norway;
and in some nineteen of the American States.

Had there existed some central clearing
house of information concerning govern¬
mental activities, such as the proposed
World Centre, it would not have required
nearly threequarters of a century to make
known to progressive states the system of
direct legislation. Failing such an organi¬
sation, the spread of information concerning
this new method of legislation has been slow
and activity in this field has been retarded.

Workingmen's Compensations

Workingmen’s compensation was intro¬
duced in Germany in 1884, in Austria in
1887 and in Norway in 1894. Since the a-
doption of the principle by Norway, the de¬
velopment of legislation providing for work¬
men’s compensation for industrial accidents
in Europe and throughout the world has been
extremely rapid.

In fact, it may be doubted whether any
subject of labour legislation has ever made
such swift progress or gained such general
acceptance for its principles throughout the
world in so brief a period. In 1914, forty-
one countries — and the number includes all
of Europe except Turkey — had introduced

some form of workingmen’s compensation
for industrial accidents. In the United Sta¬
tes what might be called the period of in¬
vestigation and education began late as com¬
pared with European countries, but since its
inception, the investigation and study have
been followed by quick legislative action.
This was brought about largely through the
existence of an international association.

Here, again, because of lack of some
central agency through which improvements
in governmental practice could be made
known, legislative measures of great eco¬
nomic value have been slow of adoption.

Income Tax

An income tax was introduced into
England in 1799 and lasted until the end of
the Napoleonic Wars. It was revived in
1842 and has been an important part of the
British financial system since that time.
The income tax was adopted by Italy in 1864,
by Prussia in 1891, by Holland and New
Zealand in 1893, and is now enforced in over
sixty countries, states, colonies, and depend¬
encies. The experience of the American
States is particularly instructive. The tax
has been raised in America since the colonial
period and at various times has been incor¬
porated in the financial systems of at least
twenty-one States. It exists now in only
about one-third of the States where it has
been tried. The State income tax has never
produced any considerable amount of reve¬
nue, except where the practice of Europe
has been followed and the administration
centralised.

In recent years, the income tax has be¬
come a part of the financial mechanism of
the federal government of the United Sta¬
tes. This income tax law bears the imprint
of European experience, particularly that of
England and Prussia.

Had there been established a central
agency charged with the duty of collecting
and disseminating information concerning
taxation methods, experiences and results,

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

it is probable that many American States
would have been saved the trouble and ex¬
pense incident to the passage and repeal of
income tax laws. Without the advantages
of such information, costly and annoying
blunders were made.

Rural Credit

Land credit was first introduced into
Prussia in 1769. For three-quarters of a
century the existence of the Landschafts was
scarcely known outside the kingdom. In
1826, when the French farmers and land own¬
ers were on the verge of bankruptcy, a prize
was offered for the best solution of the agri¬
cultural land and investment problem. I11
1839, thirteen 3/ears later, an essay was sub¬
mitted to the Academy of Moral and Political
Sciences which gave France her first infor¬
mation concerning the German system of
land credits. The Government was so im¬
pressed with this that it sent a commissioner
to study the plan at first hand.

In the first report the commissioner said :
a It will be difficult for me to express the
astonishment which I felt at Stettin and
Breslau, where the Landschaft has existed
for more than three-fourths of a century and
has placed in circulation more than 30,000,000
debentures, upon learning that public offi¬
cials and wealthy citizens were unable to give
me any information about the association
which they hardly knew by name. ”

Here was an old and powerful institution
performing a great service for the farmers
of the country, unknown to the public officials
and wealthy citizens of the several commu¬
nities and to the agricultural officials of the
neighbouring country. Other committees
were appointed in conference, investigations
were made and detailed, comprehensive re¬
ports submitted. The result was the passage
of the law of 1852 — twenty years after the
farmers and land owners stood on the verge
of bankruptcy and eighty-three years after
it was first practised in Prussia.

Land credit was introduced into Sweden
in 1831, and Denmark in 1850, into Hungary

in 1853, into Austria in 1865 and into Italy
in 1866. It is not only confined to older and
more thickly populated countries in Europe.
It was first introduced in Chili in 1863, in
Mexico in 1882, in Victoria in 1890, in West
Australia in 1895, and in New South Wales
in 1899.

The history of cooperative credit was
very similar to the history of land credit.
Cooperative credit was introduced in Ger¬
many in 1850, in Austria in 1858, in Belgium
in 1864, in Italy and Russia in 1886, in Hun¬
gary and Servia in 1887, in France in 1893,
in Holland and Ireland in 1895, in Canada
in 1900, in the United States in 1908, in Japan
in 1909 and in Egypt in 1910.

Now it is practised in all European coun¬
tries except Norway, Denmark, Luxemburg,
Monaco and Greece. It has been introduced
into Africa, Asia, America and some Island
Colonies.

Anyone familiar with agricultural con¬
ditions will not question the long standing
need for some form of rural credit, either
land or cooperative, not only in Europe but
also in the new and less thickly populated
areas. It has, however, been nearly a cen¬
tury and a half since the new comprehensive
plan was devised and tested by experience,
and even now it is neither world-wide nor
perfect.

Rural credit is one of the great agricul¬
tural problems confronting the world. There
can be no question but that there is need for
rural credit and that the need has been of
long standing. Each country has attempted
to work out its own problem in its own way.
If rapid and permanent progress is to he
made, the experience of all nations must be
recorded, good parts adopted and weak and
dangerous parts rejected. This can best be
done by means of a central agency like the
World Centre.

It cannot be successfully argued that
there was no need of this legislation until it
was actually introduced in the different coun-

A WORLD CENTRE

tries. Industrial education did not begin
with the first needs for special training;
workingmen's compensations with the first
injury, or cooperative credit with the first
need for cheap long time credit for the farm¬
er. The remedy oftentimes comes long after
the evil which it is destined to cure, in whole
or in part, has forced itself on the attention
of the sufferers.

It is not maintained that the method of
handling any one problem is perfect in any
one country, but it takes no great wisdom to
recognise that some countries have advanced
farther toward a given ideal than others or
have had special and unique experiences
that, if known, would be beneficial to all the
world. Neither is it maintained that an ex¬
perience, no matter how successful, can be
taken up root and branch and transplanted
in another country. The German system of
cooperative credit may not be acceptable in
its entirety to America; or the English in¬
come tax to France. Differences of race,
ideals, temperament, and the traits and char¬
acteristics. of peoples must be recognised.

Granting all this, it is maintained that
all essential experiments should be made in¬
ternational property, because it is difficult e-
nough to find the proper solution when all

the facts are known. And there should be

■«

complete, harmonious and effective cooper¬
ation among all nations in the solution of
problems common to the people of all the
world.

What is needed is some central agency ^
where the experience of all the nations of the
world can be brought together, compared
and tested with a view to the introduction of
the adaptable features in other countries.
A World Centre such as the one proposed
will fulfil every requirement. It will greatly
reduce the number of costly and useless ex¬
periments and will aid in bringing about
more efficient government. It will ensure
the same service at less expense, or a greater
service at the same expense, to the individual
tax payer.

Exhibitions, educational or economic,
have always been followed by tangible re¬
sults, some of which can well be cited here
in proof of what is averred. The Centennial
Exposition of 1876 led to the introduction of
manual training in the public schools of the
United States and to the introduction of
shop work as a part of the curriculum of
technical schools : two features in education
that have made for superior mechanical
training and have rendered possible a rapid
advance in arts and crafts. The Paris Expo¬
sition of 1878 resulted in the entire reorgan¬
isation of primary education in France, while
the United States Educational Exhibit at the
Paris Exposition in 1900, has led to the send¬
ing of many students to this country for the
purpose of studying and investigating its
industrial and commercial methods.

The great International Exhibition held
in London in 1851, the first one of its kind,
gave early evidence of the great advantage
of expositions to the various nations. Com¬
menting upon this fact, Sir Henry Cole.
K. C. B., says of this exhibition, that, fore¬
most among the immediate and most prac¬
tical of the international results of the exhibi¬
tion should be ranked the consent, the eager¬
ness, of all countries to discuss and revise
their system of postal communication. The
Postage Association was formed during the
exhibition. It arose out of the conviction
which men of all countries entertained con¬
cerning the vital importance of a perfect and
easy interchange of thought by means of
writing, and of their sense of indefensible
impediments which then prevented it.

The beginning of the reform of patent
laws, for the recognition of the rights of in¬
tellectual labour, which have had great in¬
ternational results with regard to industry, is
due to this exhibition. Almost as soon as
the exhibition was announced, every one was
sensible of the manifest absurdity of inviting
inventors to display the fruits of their intel¬
lectual exertions, while at the same time
they should be subjected thereby to pillage.
So the legislature promised inventors that

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

2 I

they should not incur the risk of being rob¬
bed, at least, until the exhibition was over,
and a law was made to keep men from picking
and stealing for a few months. Wonderful
honesty ! — found to be so consistent with
common sense that the law was renewed for
a few months longer. Imperfect as this law
was, it had important results with regard to
industry, and affected inventive rights, more
or less, over the whole world.

During the preparations for the exhibi¬
tion, France invited the nations of Kurope,
each to send one of its most eminent hygie¬
nists with a consul to Paris to discuss the
question of quarantine. England, Austria,
Spain, Portugal and the Italian States, joined
in this congress. To ask men of science to
discuss points of science was a novel advance
upon the old bureaucratic plan of treating
medical questions. An admirable example
on the part of France, it was not forgotten
on future occasions, and has been attended
with beneficial results.

The London Exhibition of 1851 contrib¬
uted much to the various nations participa¬
ting, through the lessons learned from each
others’ exhibits.

Viewed in its general and social aspects,
the first exhibition was considered to have
done good by bringing together thinking
men of all nations, and effecting something
toward valuable reforms in postal intercom¬
munication, in the laws of patents and copy¬
rights, in quarantine laws, in the passport
system, in international commercial laws, in
sanitary economy, and in the endeavour to
establish a little uniformity in the coins,
weights, measures and scientific numeration
of the principal European countries. Work¬
ing men were afforded an opportunity of
profiting by many things which they saw in
the palace of glass. As one of the lecturers
expressed it: ((For the first time has been

placed within their grasp a knowledge of
what has been done, and is doing, and by
whom — inventions which have so often en¬
gaged the attention of the ingenious mechan¬
ic, who, ignorant that he is doing that which
has long been successfully performed, sus¬
tains a real injury; while the talent and in¬
dustry possessed by him are totally lost to
other causes which, with better information,
he might have successfully embraced ».

Other evidences of the lasting advan¬
tages to be derived by governments from the
establishment of the World Centre are to be
gained from the results of other expositions.
A lesson of much importance to all nations,
which was learned from the earliest exposi¬
tions, has obtained almost universal recog¬
nition through the amendment of patent laws
and the establishment of international patent
agreements. The report by Archdyle Regn-
ier, President of the Imperial Commission,
reporting on April 15, 1873, as to the desir¬
ability of an international congress for the
consideration of the question of patent protec¬
tion, bears sufficient evidence. In part it
reads :

a The Vienna Exposition of 1873 called
for embodiment of universal progress in cul¬
ture, which would seem more peculiarly
adapted to pay tribute to the spirit of in¬
vention even from the standpoint of modern
legislation and to form the starting point for
a new universal codification of the rights of
inventors. Had there been any doubt of the
connection of this right with the aims and
ends of such an Universal Exposition, pre¬
vious exhibitions would have solved it. The
recent patent legislation of England is the
immediate result of the London Expositions
of 1851 and 1862, while the Paris Expositions
of 1855 and 1867 produced, as is well known,
temporary protection laws which it was
thought expedient to imitate, in the prepara¬
tory acts, for the Vienna Universal Expo¬
sition of 1873 )).

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CHAPTER V.

ADVANTAGES OF A WORLD CENTRE IN DISSEMINATING
INFORMATION CONCERNING AGRICULTURE.

Agriculture was one of the the first oc¬
cupations of humanity, but it still remains
one of man’s activities whose condition is
most backward. There is need for improve¬
ment in quality and methods of production,
in the quality of the product and the system
of marketing.

Scientific production is a world problem.
On this subject there is need for more and
more information and better distribution
than that already at hand. Each nation is
in a position to contribute something and
each nation would benefit by others’ contri¬
butions.

Until recently, particularly in the newer
countries little thought has been given to soil
fertility, crop rotation, animal and plant
breeding; introduction of newer types of
plants, or the improvement of those already
cultivated. The result has been that many
farms have been exhausted and abandoned.
Entire areas have been reduced to temporary
poverty by the continuous cultivation of a
single crop. Much money has been lost by
keeping inferior animals and cultivating poor
and unproductive plants. Yet exhausted
soil can be built up and all soil made more
productive. Animals may be improved and
made more serviceable to mankind, plants
may be made to yield a greater return; new
types may be introduced and old types im¬
proved.

The radiating centre for all knowledge
tending toward the amelioration through

human intelligence of agriculture and stock
raising, already exists in the International
Institute of Agriculture. Of this Inter¬
national Institute more .should be known, for
it constitutes not only a unique example of
how the nations of the world, casting aside
suspicion, may cooperate for the common
welfare, but an organisation which is already
jnatured and which will fill an important
place in the World Centre. First conceived
as a brilliant idea by an American, Mr. David
Lubin, it was realised through the intelligent
action of the present King of Italy. Victor
Emmanuel III listened to Mr. Lubin, and
wrote to the then Prime Minister, the Hon.
Giovanni Giolitti, a letter which ran as
follows :

« Dear President,

Mr. Lubin, a citizen of the United
States, has made a proposal to me, with all
the ardour of sincere conviction, and it
seems to me both wise and useful, and I
therefore recommend it to the consideration
of my Government.

Farmers, who generally form the most
numerous class in a country and have every¬
where a great influence on the destinies
of nations, cannot, if they remain isolated,
make sufficient provision for the improve¬
ment of the various crops and their distribu¬
tion in proportion to the needs of consumers,
nor protect their own interests on the market,
which, as far as the more important produce
of the soil is concerned, is tending to become

A WORLD CENTRE

more and more one market for the whole
world.

Therefore, considerable advantage might
be derived from an International Institute,
which, with no political object, would un¬
dertake to study the conditions of agriculture
in the various countries of the world, period¬
ically publishing reports on the amount and
character of the crops, so as to facilitate pro¬
duction, render commerce less expensive and
more rapid, and establish more suitable
prices. This Institute, coming to an under¬
standing with the various national offices
already existing for the purpose, would also
supply information on the conditions of
agricultural labour in various localities, so as
to serve as a safe and useful guide for emi¬
grants; would promote agreements for mu¬
tual defence against diseases of plants and an¬
imals, where individual action is insufficient,
and, finally, would exert an action favourable
to the development of rural cooperation,
agricultural insurance and credit.

The benefits attained by means of such
an Institute, a bond of union between all
farmers and consequently an important in¬
fluence for peace, would certainly be man¬
ifold. Rome would be a suitable place for
its inauguration, at which the representatives
of the adhering States and the larger Asso¬
ciations concerned might assemble, and har¬
monise the authority of Governments with
the free energies of the farmers.

I am convinced that the nobility of the
aim will suffice to overcome the difficulties
of the enterprise.

And in this faith I sign myself

Your affectionate cousin,
Victor Emmanuel ».

Rome, January 24th. igo^.

The Italian Government took up the
project and invited the nations of the world
to an International Conference at Rome.
Most of them accepted the invitation. The
result was the Treaty of June 7th. 1905 which
authorised the founding of the Institute.

The letter has been well described as the first
practical trial of official internationalism.

For the International Institute of Agri¬
culture is a State institution, and is so pro¬
claimed in the Treaty of 1905. The founders
realised the advantages of State control, one
of the greatest of which is the obligation for
the adhering States to carry out, each in its
own sphere, decisions made by general
assemblies or by Permanent Committees. A
supernational will has come into existence
superseding, in matters within its scope,
the various national wills.

The aim of the Institute is, in brief, to
further the betterment of agricultural con¬
ditions in the different countries in the inter¬
est of world agriculture. But as defined in
full, in act. 9 of the Treaty :

« The Institute, confining its operations
within an international sphere, shall:

(a) Collect, study and publish as
promptly as possible statistical, technical, or
economic information concerning farming,,
vegetable and animal products, the commerce
in agricultural products, and the prices pre¬
vailing in the various markets;

( b ) Communicate to parties interested,
also as promptly as possible, the above infor¬
mation ;

work;

( d ) Make known new diseases of vege¬
tables which may appear in any part of the
world, showing the territories infected, the
progress of the diseases, and, if possible, the
remedies which are effective;

(e) Study questions concerning agricul¬
tural cooperation, insurance, and credit in
all their aspects; collect and publish infor¬
mation which might be useful in the various
countries for the organisation of works con¬
nected with agricultural cooperation, insur¬
ance and credit;

(/) Submit to the approval of the Gov¬
ernments, if there is occasion for it, measures
for the protection of the common interests
of farmers and for improvement of their con-

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

2 5

ditions after; having utilised all the neces¬
sary sources of information, such as the
wishes expressed by international or other
agricultural congresses, or by congresses of
sciences applied to agriculture, or agricul¬
tural academies, learned bodies, etc. ».

The Institute has already done much in
carrying out its programme. An agricul¬
tural library has been founded which prom¬
ises to become the most complete in the
world; information is widely gathered and
as widely diffused, communications are peri¬
odically issued through the press to the fifty
or more nations which have adhered to the
Treaty.

The World Centre will be the natural
home for such an organisation, whose records
would nowhere be better kept or whose
knowledge better distributed than in an
international city which is certain to become
the distributing centre of information for all
cooperative activities.

One of the best ways of improving agri¬
cultural products is to demonstrate what has
been done and how it has been accomplished.
The farmer, either alone or through his
association or his government, has held a
large place at local, national and great inter¬
national exhibits and world’s fairs. It has
been a paying investment. The World Centre
would offer an even greater incentive and
a greater opportunity. Even alone though
more often through their associations and
their governments, the farmers could main¬
tain a continuous exhibit at this permanent
World Centre. To those who exhibited it
would mean new markets for their seeds and
grains, their animal and vegetable products;
and to those who viewed the exhibit it
would mean an incentive to improve their
products.

Abundant testimony can be produced to
show what can be accomplished through more
organised production. . Denmark in partic¬
ular is a good example. Half a century ago,
Denmark was a barren waste of sand dunes
and many of her people were in poverty.

Since then, she has undergone an agricul¬
tural evolution and to-day is one of the most
prosperous countries of all Europe. Her
farms are fertile and productive, her people
are well educated, industrious and pros¬
perous.

The value of introducing new plant types
and determining their proper location is well
illustrated in the work of Doctor Wiley con¬
cerning the development of the sugar beet
industry in the United States.

His task was to find out over what variety
of areas the sugar beet could be grown; it
was a climatic study dependent upon chemis¬
try . He made thousands of analyses of sugar
beets grown all over the country, and finally
located the regions and published a map
indicating where it was possible to grow the
sugar beet. To-day every beet-sugar factory
in the United States is within the limits of
that belt. Manufacturers use the map as a
guide for locating their fields. The annual
saving resulting from the investigation of the
sugar-beet and the thousands of analyses
made is estimated at '$ 1,000,000.

Investigation in the same country has
resulted in the production of new types of
pineapples, especially adapted to certain sec¬
tions of Florida, and which have characteris¬
tics which enable them to be shipped.

\ '

The finest pineapples previously grown
could not be shipped, as they were so delicate
in flesh that they spoiled in transit. But
these recently developed types have all the
aroma and the characteristics of the finer and
yet can be shipped. The tangerine orange,
the tangerine grapefruit, and the new species
of pineapples will be worth at least $ 150,000
annually to the fruit growers of Florida.

Each year the farmers of the world lose
millions of dollars’ worth of property by the
ravages of plant and animal diseases and
pests.

In no country in the world do insects
impose a heavier tax on farm products than

A WORLD CENTRE

in the United States. The losses resulting
from the depredations of insects on all the
plant products of the soil, both in their
growing and in their stored state, together
with those on live stock, exceed the entire ex¬
penditures of the National Government, in¬
cluding the pension roll and the maintenance
of the Army and Navy.

Statistics of agricultural products for the
year 1889, of the Twelfth Census, and for
subsequent years, gathered by the Bureau of
Statistics of the Department of Agriculture,
indicate an annual value of all the products of
the farms, of about $ 5,000,000,000. To
one familiar with the work of the chief insect
pests on the important agriculture products
entering into this total, it is comparatively
easy to approximate the probable shrinkage
due to insects. The detailed consideration
of this shrinkage indicates that it will rarely
fall below 10 per cent, and in years of ex¬
cessive insect damage, may amount to 50 per
cent or even more of the important staple
products of the farm. This total comprises,
however, only losses suffered by the growing
and maturing crops and annually by live
stock, and does not include two very consid¬
erable and legitimate items, namely, the loss
occasioned by insect pests to farm products,
chiefly cereals and forage crops in storage,
and to natural forests and forest products; at
least #100,000,000 must be; assigned to
each, making a total annual tax chargeable
to insects of # 70,000,000 for the United
States alone.

These pests and diseases have been
spread from country to country without
thought of the consequences and, where laws
and administrative measures have been re¬
sorted to, it has usually if not always, been in
self defence. It is only after Pandora’s Box
has been opened and the evil done that re¬
strictions are imposed; but in this field
also the agency of the International Institute
of Agriculture is proving its value.

Habitually, however, when the pest or
evil has been established and has destroyed
or proved its capacity to destroy millions of

dollars worth of grain and fruits, the country
in question passes legislation forbidding the
importation of infected substances and
products. This only goes to prove the lack
of success which attends any attempt to im¬
prove the situation by confining attention to
one country alone. In the matter of the farm
insect, as well as in meeting other agricul¬
tural problems, the most thorough coopera¬
tion betiveen different countries is needed.

The need for cooperation is exemplified
by the attempts of threatened nations to seek
the experience of other countries and to so¬
licit such aid as they are able to give.

According to the annual report (1909) of
the Secretary of the Department of Agricul¬
ture (United States), during that year an
American agent was sent to Russia, the Chief
of the Bureau of Entomology visited various
European countries and the different Euro¬
pean governments as well as the government
of Japan cooperated through their official ex¬
perts, while several private entomologists
also cooperated in a hearty manner. The
result was that more parasitic material was
received during the year than ever before.
The best results came from France and
Japan.

During that year twelve species of in¬
troduced parasites and predatory insects were
discovered in the fields, indicating a reason¬
ably certain establishment of these pests in
the United States. The close of the year
found twice as many species of imported
parasites in the fields as were present the
previous j^ear. Many of them scattered over
extensive districts, one species being found
over an area of 500 square miles.

News was received from Italy that Amer¬
ican parasites of the mulberry scale insect,
sent to that country in return for similar
favours done to the United States, had estab¬
lished themselves in certain regions in such
numbers that the danger from the scale was
considered past. Certain ladybird beetles
were sent by the Department of Malaga,
Spain, for the purpose of preying upon a spe-

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

cies of mealy bug. Parasites of scale insects
were sent to Peru. A species of tick parasite,
occurring upon the dog tick in Texas, was
sent to South Africa. The exportation of
bumblebees to the Philippine Islands for the
purpose of fertilizing clover, was reported to
have been fairly successful, and American
bumblebees were found in certain regions in
the Philippines during the year.

Work on insects affecting vegetables,
crops and stored products has been continued
along the same lines.

Insects affecting the sugar beet have
been studied with care, and a special inves¬
tigation has been made of a leaf hopper
affecting this crop in Utah, Idaho, and Col¬
orado.

Many other insects of this group have
been under careful observation, and results
of great value have been obtained. The saving
annually effected by the use of measures
based upon the work of the Bureau of En¬
tomology against insects affecting vegetable
crops and stored products, is estimated at
# 3,000,000.

Some years ago the United States im¬
ported a little ladybird beetle from Aus¬
tralia, an enemy of the white scale, and the
result of that was to save the orange and
lemon growing industry of California, which
was threatened with extermination by the
scale insect. The little beetle multiplied to
such an extent that it almost exterminated
the scale insect. The money saved annually
from the introduction of the Australian lady¬
bird beetle will be about # 5,000,000.

Several years ago the Department of
Agriculture imported a little parasite fly into
Southern California from South Africa, with
the result of its establishment and diffusion
and the almost complete destruction of the
black scale, which is a very serious pest, af¬
fecting the olive crop, the oranges and
lemons, as well as certain shade trees. The
annual saving from the importation of

the black scale parasite is estimated at
# 250,000.

At the hearings before the Congressional
Committee on Appropriations, Alonzo D.
Melvin, Chief of the Bureau of Animal In¬
dustry in the United States, testified that
his Bureau must be credited with introduc¬
ing the successful treatment of actinomy¬
cosis, or lumpy jaw, in cattle by means of
iodide of potassium, thereby effecting a sav¬
ing of $ 250,000 annually. The work done
by his Bureau in the eradication of foot rot
of sheep and cattle is worth # 150,000 an¬
nually.

But it would be idle to multiply further
instances of preventable diseases in plants
and animals. What is needed most of all is
complete and comparable information con¬
cerning the experience of all countries, not
only with animal and plant diseases but with
pests and their symptoms or habits, and the
cures and remedies applied. This experien¬
ce can easily be obtained when each nation
will supply to some single agency, such as
will normally be maintained at the World
Centre, all the information relative to con¬
ditions in its own territory. With this in¬
formation in the hands of a single central
agency, the area covered by each and every
disease and pest, whether of plant, animal or
human being, can be clearly indicated and
the cure and remedy as practised be ascer¬
tained. This experience can then be dissem¬
inated to all parts of the world and used to
combat all diseases and pests. Trade and
commerce in affected products as in affected
regions, can be regulated.

The organisation for the control of the
disease and pests would only then be com¬
mensurate with the evil to be controlled.

Particularly in the matter of marketing
farm products, can the World Centre be of
great advantage to the world at large.

When animals, plants and seeds are
produced and saved from the ravages of pests

A WORLD CENTRE

and diseases, the producers’ task is not yet
completed. The product must be sold. In
some countries agricultural products are
marketed in the best possible conditions and
at a very low cost. In other countries the
cost and wastes of marketing are enormous.
Secretary Wilson, of the United States De¬
partment of Agriculture, estimated that for
food for which the consumer paid one dollar,
the farmer received less than fifty cents.
The experience of all countries should be
ascertained and made known to the rest of
the world. Under .such a system, the best
methods would soon prevail throughout the
whole world and the result would be that
the producer could get more for his product
and the consumer would receive his com¬
modities at a lower price and in better
condition.

In certain countries, particularly in Eu¬
rope, the farmers are cooperating in the
production and marketing of their crops.
This has resulted in increased production, a
better product and a market for all that is
produced. Cooperation among producers
is being tried in other sections, sometimes
with success, sometimes with failure. What
is needed most of all is a central agency
where the experience of all nations can be
gathered together, classified and disseminat¬
ed for the use of even? country wishing to
practise cooperation. By the use of such a
method, sound economic principles would
rapidly become known and would be univer¬
sally practised, and the benefits now accruing
to particular countries, would be spread to
all sections where the principles of cooper¬
ation are applicable.

CHAPTER VI.

THE WORLD CENTRE WILL IMPROVE INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS.

Among its many features, the World
Centre is to contain a series of governmental
buildings which will extend along the Avenue
of the Nations, and each one of which will
be erected and maintained by one of the
leading nations of the world. These build¬
ings will consist of exhibition halls, in which
each nation and its citizens can make known
to the world at large the latest developments
in art, science, agriculture, mining, manufac¬
turing, transport, trade and commerce. It is
contended that the exhibits shall be changed
frequently and kept up to date, furnishing
the best opportunity for comparative studjf
and constant incentive for progress both in
individuals and nations.

More than forty great world’s fairs have
been held during the past 65 years. Table 4
of the Appendix shows the amounts expend¬
ed by Great Britain, France and the United
States from the public moneys of those gov¬
ernments for the various world’s fairs.
These figures have no reference to the total
cost of the fairs, but indicate only the amount
of contributions made by three of the leading
governments. The total contributions from
private individuals, local governments and
the receipts from admissions, concessions
etc. (Table 5.) would make these figures look
ridiculously small. They represent only the
participation of national governments and
are set forth to show the rapid development
of internationalism, where the development
has affected directly the treasuries of the

leading nations. The direct expenditures of
these three governments are in excess of
thirty million dollars.

We need look to only a few of the world’s
fairs, from the first one held in Great Britain
in 1851, to the Panama Pacific International
Exposition held in San Francisco in 1915, in
order to see that a permanent maintenance of
the chief features of these temporary ex¬
positions would be of inestimable value
in standardising products and prices, in
introducing new machines and business de¬
vices, in advertising and selling over wider
markets, in improving labour conditions and
returns, in stabilising production and in de¬
veloping international trade. These, in the
main, are the economic advantages which we
are to consider for the present and upon
which rests largely the justification for this
project, as far as it concerns business.

The compelling force which attracts the
public to an exposition is its educational
value. The magnificent parks, majestic
palaces — gorgeously decorated and brilliant¬
ly illuminated — representing the supreme
achievements of the world’s best engineers,
architects, artists and artisans form merely
an empty shell, an artistic background. Life
and force are infused into this stupendous
creation by the exhibits. The State and
foreign pavilions, with banquet halls and ball
rooms, the amusement features, the bands,
parades and pageants are for the entertain-

3°

A WORLD CENTRE

ment of those who come to study the ex¬
hibits. Who would journey to Europe or
the Orient, how many would cross a conti¬
nent or even a State to see parks and palaces,
to banquet, to dance or to be amused? With¬
out exhibits there could be no exposition
and with them an exposition could — if neces¬
sary — be held in the open.

The exhibit is one of the most effective
forms of practical education. In the early
stages of civilisation, festivals and fairs were
held for the purpose of exchanging goods.
The modern international exposition de¬
veloped, as the scope of these fairs was
transformed from an exchange of goods to
an exchange of ideas. An important feature
of this evolution has been the growing re¬
cognition of the educational value of ex¬
hibits. Today a temporary exhibit is as¬
sembled at almost every congress conven¬
tion. The habitual thesis reader is finding
it more and more difficult to secure an au¬
dience at these gatherings, because the mem¬
bers feel that a study of the exhibit is more
profitable and more interesting. Many na¬
tional organisations now maintain perma¬
nent museums and travelling exhibits. In
some cases the local branches of these or¬
ganisations have made such demands that
it has become necessary to manufacture and
keep for sale specialised exhibits. Likewise,
museums have found it necessary to keep
for exchange or sale, special exhibits for
the use of colleges, schools and museums.
Several exhibit bureaus have been establish¬
ed for the purpose of determining exhibit
values by experiment and furnishing free
information and advice to exhibitors. The
exhibit has taken its place among education’s
best recognised tools.

The capitalist, by travel through various
countries, and by intercourse with the scien¬
tific and industrial classes in many lands,
may acquire the knowledge necessary for the
profitable conduct of his own affairs. The
workingman has no such opportunities for
the cultivation of his faculties; to enable
him to benefit by the labour and skill of
others, their productions must be collected

for his inspection; and it is scarcely possible
to estimate too highly the importance to the
industrial classes of such exhibitions as that
which is now proposed. It is most important
that we should enable our artisans to observe
the works of other men and other countries
than their own; and to discern the methods
employed in accomplishing results with
wffiich they are familiar, but which they have
attained by different processes. The know¬
ledge they thus acquire will advance their
skill and improve their taste.

From the mere fact that hundreds of
thousands of men have observed the products
of other nations and found them superior to
their own, great strides in industry have
been taken. In discussing the International
Exposition of 1862, William Hawes, in the
Royal Society of Arts Journal, shows how
this is, pointing out that the inspection of
foreign products in their various stages of
manufacture is the only way the workman
can improve his own methods, and that
workmen do attend the expositions in large
numbers.

«No mechanic institution», he says,
« can give him such useful knowledge, no
teaching in the Department of Science and
Art can give him such instruction, as he will
derive from a few hours spent inspecting the
work, in its various forms, of his foreign
rivals. To the intelligent and skillful work¬
man, an International Exposition is an in¬
dustrial college, teaching in the most prac¬
tical manner — educating the eye, the hand,
and the taste — stimulating industry and
ingenuity — removing prejudices, and, by
enlarging the sphere of observation and giv¬
ing new ideas, making better ’workmen.

And he goes on to show the effects of the
distribution of high and low price admission
tickets to the Exposition of 1867. He con¬
cludes : « So that the working classes of

Paris at four sous each, paid more than the
five franc and two franc admissions together,
and besides being visited by more than
2,000,000 of people paying but four sous each,
the Exposition was open free 011 one Sunday

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

3 1

before it closed, when a vast number were
admitted who would not otherwise have seen
it. The numbers then admitted were
enormous, but no account was taken of them.

« I have drawn this comparison because I
conceive it to be true and just, and necessary
to illustrate the view I take of the proper
mode of making use of these most valuable
modern institutions. Their object is un¬
doubtedly to disseminate information among
the great mass of master manufacturers and
men in all countries, to improve their taste
and stimulate their industry ».

England has sent large delegations of
artisans to the expositions at Paris, and, in
turn, France has sent many workmen to
London in order that they might profit, as
the master manufacturers did, from the ex¬
hibits collected from all over the world.
Many other nations have officially recognised
the educational value of expositions to the
industrial classes.

Not all persons, of course, can visit the
World Centre, any more than they can all
attend a world’s fair. It is proposed, how¬
ever, that as a part of its general educational
work, the World Centre will serve as a dis¬
tributing agency for travelling exhibits of
art and industry and education. Its facilities
as an exposition centre will be made available
to the remotest parts of the world, where
collections of matter of general interest to
citizens of any community can be prepared
and forwarded to that community, thus ena¬
bling the people of all the world to derive
a direct educational benefit from its estab¬
lishment and growth. These travelling
exhibits can be routed through the different
countries on regular schedules and at small
expense to the various communities inter¬
ested, much as Chatauqua features or theat¬
rical productions are now routed. Any com¬
munity or local organisation anywhere, can
thus have brought to its very door the best
efforts of the world’s best producers.

The travelling exhibits of Agricultural
Colleges, of the forestry and fisheries service,

of the leading American railroads, all of
which are designed to improve conditions in
the extractive industries of the United States,
have met with general enthusiasm among the
public and have done much to improve the
conditions in the industries thus represented.
But the perfection of the world’s enterprise
is a world problem, and should be undertaken
on an international basis, under the auspices
of such a permanent international organi¬
sation as the World Centre.

No one nation is supreme in commerce
in all its branches. Each excels the other in
some special field of endeavour; each can
learn from the others many lessons by a
comparison of products. Those who have
carefully studied the several expositions
know how inferior the products of some na¬
tions are, compared to others; how easily the
producers of the inferior goods could learn
from other exhibits to improve the quality
of their output and develop higher standards
of production.

From the first, this profitable borrowing
from the productive methods of other nations
has been the most outstanding benefit of the
world’s fairs. Sir Richard Cole wrote of it
in regard to the London Exhibition in 1851.
In his book, « Fifty Years of Public Work, >>
he tells how he observed at the fair an ingen¬
ious German machine for turning out por¬
celain. A friend had remarked to him that
only by having seen the machine in operation
could the potters of Staffordshire be induced
to abandon their antiquated methods.

The English exhibition of 1851 had the
effect of demonstrating that Great Britain
was far inferior to continental nations in the
arts of design, just as it demonstrated to the
continental nations their inferiority to Great
Britain in agricultural implements, in mach¬
inery and in all branches of the iron and steel
industry. The British government at once
established schools of design throughout the
empire, while the continental nations took
steps to improve their iron works and machin¬
ery and develop their mineral resources.
The exhibition of 1862 in London demon-

A WORLD CENTRE

strated the remarkable fact that in all the
textile industries, in pottery and in metal
work requiring aesthetic training and know¬
ledge, Great Britain had overtaken, if not
gone ahead of her continental rivals, while
she had beaten Germany in her own strong¬
hold by casting steel so far in advance of
Krupp’s best results that her guns and wheels
and tires were regarded with a wonder and
admiration approaching incredulity. It is
impossible to estimate the enormous pecuni¬
ary value of this progress to England and
to Germany.

The first exposition in England led
quickly to another in France in 1855, with
similar benefits to French industry. What
contemporary observers thought of the effect
of these expositions, may be learned from the
Electric Magazine of - Foreign Literature,
Science and Art, in 1862. A contributor
wrote : « Prince Albert well knew that the
British manufacturer and handicraftsman,
though excellent in many things, was not
perfect in all. In details of design, of form,
of colour, of taste, and of proportion, there
was still great progress to be made, and this
truth needed to be drilled into the minds and
memories of our employers and workmen to
guide and stimulate them. The result has
been very apparent. In no decade of our his¬
tory has general improvement, in matters in
which the British workman was admittedly
deficient, been so apparent as in the epoch
from 1851 to 1861. Within twelve months
after the first International Fair, this effect
was so apparent that the French Emperor
and Government resolved to* follow in the
wake of England, and to inaugurate an In¬
ternational Exhibition at Paris, in 1855.

« There can be no doubt that the French
Exhibition of 1855, effected in its way nearly
as much benefit for France as that of 1851
did for England. Since the period we speak
of, the French have applied themselves more
and more to the arts that are most useful and
necessary to man — arts in which they were
formerly deficient — and have made sensible
improvements in machinery, cutlery, cottons,
pottery, hardware, carriages, and railway

plants; while we, long excelling in these
handicrafts, have applied ourselves success¬
fully, during these last eleven years, to the
production of articles combining taste, form,
colour and intellect, thus proving that the
ideas and conception of the original founder
of the scheme of 1851 were excellent and
practicable... »

« Similar observations apply in an emin¬
ent degree to Belgium, who learns and com¬
bines from both France and England; and
the same may be said in some degree of other
surrounding nations. Nor is this surpris¬
ing. Inventions, combinations, discoveries,
improved methods and processes spring to
light simultaneously in many fertile minds,
and in many localities of all countries, but
the knowledge is slow in spreading itself
into general use. Its diffusion is quickened
by international gatherings and exhibitions ».

That the governments were not slow to
appreciate these advantages arising from the
earlier expositions, is apparent. The Presi¬
dent of the United States saw fit to include
in a formal message, a report by Mr. Beck¬
with, on the value of the Paris Universal
Exposition of 1867. After pointing out the
usefulness of models and specimens in incul¬
cating industrial ideas, he said : « The util¬
ity which experience ascribes to this method
is indicated in France by a comparison of
the provisions made for the exhibition of 1854
with those making for 1867. The first was
entered upon timidly, the government rely¬
ing chiefly on private capital and enterprise,
011 which the labour and risk were thrown.
The latter has been taken up boldly as a
business of state, and projected on a larger
scale, contemplating an expenditure of twen¬
ty millions of francs, of which twelve millions
are to be supplied from the public funds,
leaving eight millions as the probable con¬
tribution of visitors ».

Thus, even at this time, the industrial
quickening resulting from the first world
expositions was so obvious that the govern¬
ments concerned were anxious to give their
most serious thought to the exhibitions.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

Beneficial results were far from being
conferred solely on tlie nations most nearly
concerned in these expositions. For in¬
stance, at the date of the French Exposition
of 1867, the manufacture of Bessemer steel
had begun to assume great prominence in
Europe, but was only introduced into one
establishment in America where its practice
was comparatively crude and unprofitable.
One of the ten scientific commissioners ap¬
pointed by the United States to study and
report upon the Exposition, was assigned to
the subject of iron and steel. As commis¬
sioner, every private establishment in Eng¬
land and France was open to him and he
was thus enabled carefully to study the
processes of manufacture, now so familiar
but then so unknown to American metallur¬
gists. Through this study and through in¬
troductions which he was enabled to arrange
for American mechanical engineers, there
was brought over a knowledge sufficient for
the successful establishment of this business.
In less than ten years, the United States had
a manufacturing capacity for more than half a
million tons of Bessemer steel annually; steel
rails could be manufactured to compete with
foreign rails, without regard to the tariff.

To the Centennial Exposition in Phil¬
adelphia, 1876, Carrol D. Wright, once com¬
missioner of the United States Department
of Labour, ascribed not only the industrial
acceleration of his own country, but improve¬
ments in the manufactures of England and
Germany.

A nation that possesses the best tools and
the best processes, will be the most powerful
economically and probably the most highly
civilised. That all improvements can be
detected, described and imparted, is essen¬
tial. With this information disseminated
throughout the world by competent experts,
industrial progress would be universal.

There can be no doubt that the disse¬
mination of such knowledge would lead to the
quick adoption of all improvements worth
while, to the standardisation of products and
processes of production and through these to

the standardisation of prices, which, in their
final analysis, when made under conditions
of international competition, are dependent
upon costs of production. Through the
process of elimination, which would follow
such a condition, the inefficient, those having
high costs of production, those slow to learn,
would drop by the wayside, turning their
attention and their energies to the production
of things for which thejr were better adapted,
leaving the most efficient to produce for the
world’s markets those things which they can
prepare at the lowest cost and of the highest
quality. Such a condition of adjusted in¬
ternational production and trade would nor¬
mally result from the establishment of the
World Centre, and its achievement would
justify many times over the entire outlay of
capital necessary to carry out this idea.

One aspect of expositions is the recogni¬
tion which they bring to the artist and pro¬
ducer as distinct from the merchant. An
object of such exhibition is to call forth a
universal competition and emulation among
the artists of the world. What a wonderful
influence it has in stimulating their powers
and leading them to excel both in the concep¬
tion and execution of their industries!

We may well expect that an emulation
so powerfully excited may give a great stim¬
ulus to inventions, and that many new ideas
and new contrivances may yet be brought
to light; but it must be remembered that such
systems of exhibitions trench more and more
into that secrecy which has heretofore form¬
ed the chief capital stock of inventors. It
becomes, in fact, their interest to bring to
light whatever discovery they may have
made, so that they may also obtain the benefit
of the advance made by others in the same
path. And thus inventions which it would
have required many years to perfect and
render available, are now, by the mutual aid
of the inventors of all countries, brought
speedily to practical use.

John Francis Macguire has summed up
the stimulating effect of exposition on indus¬
try in this eloquent paragraph :

A WORLD CENTRE

u Is it of no advantage, » I would ask,
« to awaken intelligence, to excite emulation,
to impart knowledge? Is it of no advantage
to exhibit the gradual progress of a nation
in the arts of civilised life, and urge the mind
of a country to bolder efforts, and more
glorious achievements ? Is it of no advantage
to educate the masses in a practical school
of illustration, in which the object, and the
use to which it is applied, are both explained,
and in which every improvement is traced
in the elegant arts, step by step, from the
first rude effort, to the last approach of per¬
fection? Is it of no advantage that the artist
should be stimulated to a severer study of
his profession, or inspired to nobler triumphs
in his art — that the manufacturer should be
roused to greater exertion, and to a juster
view of his position in the field of enterprise
— that the mechanic should receive new
ideas, by which his labour might be enlight¬
ened, his skill assisted and his tastes refin¬
ed?... What the Olympian games, and other
public festivals of Greece were to the poet,
the historian, or the sculptor, of former days,
the exhibitions of modern times are to the
inventor, the manufacturer and the artisan.
Fame and honour are no longer confined to
him who produces a poem, a tragedy, a
history, a picture, or a statue; they are equal¬
ly conferred, in these more practical days,
upon him who adds to the comforts, or min¬
isters to the material wants of the human
family. »

Universal expositions furnish the anal¬
ogy for another of the great advantages to
be derived from a World Centre : the chance
for each nation to exhibit to all the world
those resources for the development of which
she needs capital or labour, and in the devel¬
opment of which capital and labour can be
most profitably employed. Economical pro¬
duction throughout the world depends upon
the right distribution of capital and labour.
Only when the capitalists of all countries are
fully informed as to where the best opportu¬
nities for investment lie, and when the la¬
bourers of all nations know where labour is
scarcest and wages highest, will production
be economical.

World’s fairs in the past have assisted
toward the realisation of this ideal. They
have exhibited the unknown natural resour¬
ces of new lands and attracted capital and
labour where both were needed. In a per¬
manent exhibition such as the World Centre,
properly arranged, would contain, this result
could be more fully attained. The World
Centre would indeed become the great clear¬
ing house, of information as to large busi¬
ness opportunities throughout the world,
regulating the flow of productive means this
way and that as the demand might arise.
Each nation would benefit, since each na¬
tion would be able to secure that which is
most needed for a rounded economic develop¬
ment. A perpetual display of the miner¬
al, agricultural, and industrial resources of
the tvorld would do this. For this reason
alone, the governments of the world could
well afford to expend large sums in the
founding of a World Centre.

In such an exposition, not only would
the national government maintain exhibits.
Each section and province has natural ad¬
vantages of its own, which with proper ar¬
rangement of display could be made compre¬
hensible. Cities would show their attrac¬
tions —whether these were natural resources,
advantages of climate, or transportation fa¬
cilities. The work now done by chambers of
commerce, and often done poorly, could be
effectively and economically performed by
an exposition in the World Centre.

In addition to the Government exhibits
of natural resources and business opportuni¬
ties at the World Centre, individuals, cor¬
porations, industries and even localities and
sections of the country might exhibit their
respective products. Every country has
some natural advantage; some are rich in
mineral resources, and some have large forest
areas, while others have an abundance of
water power or large and fertile fields well
adapted to agriculture. The ownership va¬
ries, but in many countries the ownership is
in the hands of private individuals and firms.
The owners often advertise the advantage of
their holdings in order to interest capital and

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

labour and bring about a more rapid develop¬
ment of the properties in question.

There is no central agency for the col¬
lection and distribution of such information ;
there are no statistical means of comparing
the business opportunities of one section with
the business opportunities of another or the
labour opportunities of one section with the
labour opportunities of another. The result
is that capital is often invested and labour
employed in comparatively unproductive
enterprises. The service of the World City
need not be confined to exhibits. Informa¬
tion could and should be collected ' and made
accessible to all interested. This would
mean the investment of capital in the most
productive enterprises, an opportunity for
labour to find employment and invest its sav¬
ings to the greatest possible advantage.

A change in the flow of capital and immi¬
gration has so often taken place as a result
of universal expositions, that the develop¬
ment of natural resources has been a prom¬
inent motive behind the appropriations of
governments toward these fairs. Through
the Universal Exposition of 1867 France
showed the world the conditions of her indus¬
trial resources, and the world unquestionably
was impressed. She did not a little to devel¬
op fresh markets for her wares, especially in
the East and in South America. She suc¬
ceeded in diverting from London to Paris a
great deal of business with the eastern na¬
tions. Many complaints were heard in Lon¬
don to that effect. On the whole, it is prob¬
able that, looking at the matter from a pure¬
ly commercial standpoint, no nation ever
made a better investment of a million and a
half dollars than France did with this exhi¬
bition. She got her money back twenty-five
or thirty times over in six months. She ob¬
tained a magnificent advertisement, and she
started a large amount of fresh business of a
profitable and improving character.

In that Exposition, the Governments of
Spanish America saw their opportunity and
voted a large sum for their representation
there. They got their money back with in¬

terest. The development of their countries
has been affected to a considerable extent
through French agencies and by French
capital, and the profits have gone largely to
France. The Paris Exposition of 1867 cer¬
tainly raised the industrial prestige of France.

Canada received so great an impetus in
the development of her resources from the
fairs of 1851 and 1855, that her people anx¬
iously petitioned the government for repre¬
sentation in 1867. A part of their argument
ran :

« That as the result of the position taken
by Canada in the Great Exhibition held in
London in 1851, and in Paris in 1855, a know¬
ledge of the vastness of the resources of this
country has been spread throughout Europe,
and large investments of capital have been
made here tending to the rapid development
of these resources. That this is evidenced
alike by the high credit which the provincial
securities have always since enjoyed, by the
vast sums embarked in our railways and by
the multiplication of agencies for the lending
to Canadians of transatlantic capital for the
improvement of real estate. It has been e-
vinced by the establishment in this country
of foreign consulates, and the development of
its foreign trade as well as by the efforts made
(in France especially) through those consu¬
lates further to develop and extend our com¬
mercial relations with other countries. It is
also evidenced by the success of recent post¬
al conventions with foreign governments,
which, previously to 1851, did not believe
Canada to be a country of sufficient resources
to establish and maintain separate transat¬
lantic postal communications. »

All of these are advantages that obviously
would flow still more abundantly from a per-
mament exhibition with bureaus of informa¬
tion at a World Centre.

One of the United States Commission¬
ers to the Exposition of 1867, wrote to
Congress that « the efficiency of western ex¬
hibitors has been vitally important in sav¬
ing the nation from failure. As it is, we

A WORLD CENTRE

shall have splendid triumph, and we shall
owe it exclusively to the West, and its
wonderful products. Then, too, the enor¬
mous gain to this western continent by im¬
migration. Who gets it but the West? »

Congressman Kelly’s predication con¬
cerning the advantages sure to accrue to cer¬
tain parts of America from displaying the
nation’s resources at the Vienna Exposition,
in 1873, has come true. Immigration has
filled up the districts he names. He said :
« The Exhibition offers them an opportunhy
to make known to the industrial and oppress¬
ed people of eastern Europe the fact that
we have unequalled deposits of all the min¬
eral elements of manufactures lying in the
midst of bodies of free lands, which may be
occupied under the homestead law or bought
at our minimum rates. Let me bring to the
notice of the gentlemen a single fact in
connection with a local fair recently held in
Kansas City, Missouri, at which were ex¬
hibited as productions of the Indian territory,
Kansas and Western Missouri, more than
three thousand specimens of lead ore drawn
from different deposits, or which had the
ingredients in different association or degree.
Make these facts known to the manufactur¬
ing people of eastern Europe and you would
tempt an immigration of skill, of science
and of capital, of which there would be no
part of the valley of the Missouri that would
not feel the benefit. »

These predictions have been fulfilled —
the crowded populations have responded to
the lure of empty lands and the piled up
capital has flowed into the undeveloped
fields. It took no prophetic vision to see

these things. The need for an outlet was
there; given a glimpse of the outlet, the re¬
sult was inevitable. And yet the work of
populating, developing and exploiting the
scarcely inhabited parts of the globe has but
barely commenced. South America, Can¬
ada, South Africa, Australia, are as yet
sparsely populated. Turkey, Asia, Meso¬
potamia, Egypt, Libya, French North
Africa, were far more flourishing two thou¬
sand years ago than they are today, when
our means of exploitation are larger and our
grip on the earth forces immeasurably more
secure. Today, large parts of undeveloped
Africa might be colonised and developed.
The Balkans might at last be thrown open to
men of peace, after so long experiencing the
rude hands of warriors. Siberia might well
become the source of enormous economic
wealth, were only its mineral deposits un¬
covered and its fertile plains cultivated. The
broad table-lands of Central Asia, thought
by many the birthplace of our race, must
once have supported a population far greater
than today. Let only these lands be thrown
open to the public : only place before the
eyes of all men a chart of riches untouched
and opportunities neglected : the opening of
the closed lands will surely follow and the
civilised man will become the master of all
the earth.

No less certain are the beneficial results
in the distribution of the world’s capital and
labour which would come from the estab¬
lishment of a World Centre. Only here,
organised on a permanent and world-wide
scale, the dissemination of information would
not be left to chance. The adjustment of
means to needs would be perfect.

CHAPTER VII.

CREATION OF NEW MARKETS AND STIMULATION OF BUSINESS.

The most instantaneous, most seemingly
magical effect of international expositions,
has been seen in the introduction, almost
immediately afterward, of certain kinds of
merchandise into regions where they had
not previously been offered for sale. Ex¬
hibition at a world’s fair brings any new
article or kind of goods before the world’s
gaze; if it come forth victorious from the
hard test of comparison with its rivals, its
merits obtain world wide advertisement.

Since the first exhibition at London, in
1851, the great advantages obtainable by
introducing new inventions or recently
patented devices at a public exhibition have
been recognised. I11 the years following
1851 many productions, among which the
American reaper, began to be known. Today
a great part of the civilised world would
not be able to subsist as it now subsists,
were it not for the mechanical reaper, which
is bought in many forms and styles, but
which remains practically the same, and is
known almost wherever grain is cultivated.

Indeed, a practical country like the U-
nited States has well nigh paid its debt to
Europe with the labour saving devices which
its citizens have invented. Europe has sent
to the United States twenty-five million em¬
igrants in the last seventy-five years but
there were in 1907 enough American har¬
vesters in the fields of Europe to do the work
of eleven million men.

World expositions give the good article
its due and make the best and cheapest pre¬
vail throughout the world. Our axes, spades,
scythes, locomotives, steamships, are better
today than they were years ago, in large
part because of competition and comparison
at expositions. Conservative merchants
whose goods had long since ceased to be
superior, but who continued to trade on their
name, found themselves suddenly confronted
with a host of rivals, unknown competitors
from all over the world; and the older mer¬
chants and manufacturers found themselves
constrained to improve their products and
cheapen their prices, under penalty of losing
all their trade. Without expositions, old
prejudices could not so quickly be conquered
by new* goods.

Certain nations seem to have a peculiar
talent for the invention and constant amel¬
ioration of some one type of article. The
more artistic nations lack practical utilita¬
rian insight. Expositions enable the art
loving nation, skilled in exquisite crafts, to
exchange methods and products with the
nations excelling in the rough and ready
appliances of every day — to export fine lace
and import washing machines or carpet
sweepers. And both the lace makers and the
manufacturers of washing machines, profit
through having their goods made known to
the entire world. For a market conquered
in international competition is a steady mar¬
ket; the peasant who has once used an im-

A WORLD CENTRE

proved steel hay fork, will never willingly
abandon it for the wooden one which his
father used.

Addressing the Royal Historical Society
in reference to the Exposition of 1873, an
Englishman, F. G. Moccat, said :

«Speaking of the exhibitions as then
conducted, I remarked that no person who
had watched the gradual development of
public taste and the consequent increase of
personal comfort in all that relates to the
application of art and science to the purposes
of every day life, can have failed to perceive
how well the exhibition of 1851 had done its
work, and how vast a debt of gratitude all
civilised nations owe the illustrious and ac¬
complished author of that landmark in the
history of the present time, and indeed of all
time ».

There is no doubt that the great ex¬
position of 1851 awakened all nations to new
life and set before them new objects of am¬
bition, and a wider field for active life than
had ever been dreamed of before. If so
much could have been accomplished by this
new expedient of civilisation at the outset of
its career, retarded by the friction of a fresh
start, what may we not expect to see a few
years after the establishment of the World
Centre?

Sometimes it is not manufactured but
agricultural products which gain a wide use
through world’s fairs. A United States con¬
sul general, commenting on the Paris Ex¬
position of 1867, expressed his regret that an
exhibition could not have been made of the
variety of ways in which Indian corn may
be prepared for food. Fruitgrowing regions
the world over need but the opportunity to
expose their products in order to create a
steady demand for them. Certain tropical
fruits, well appreciated today but unknown
in the temperate regions a few years ago,
well illustrate the value of such publicity.

But we do not have to look to these
periodic international expositions alone for

evidence of the fact that the proposed World
Centre will be economically advantageous.
The national and local exhibition, or
«shows» as they are frequently called,
where a certain product or line of industry
is represented, have many times over demon¬
strated their effectiveness as advantageous
means for introducing new commodities.
The annual horse shows, now so popular in
many large centres throughout the world,
have afforded many opportunities for in¬
troducing new breeds of horses for various
purposes. Dog shows have done much to
popularise certain breeds of dogs, which
were but little in popular favour before being
thus publicly exhibited.

But more important than these various
exhibitions of animals are the modern ones
displaying industry. For example, at one
of the world’s largest cities within a few
months, were held chemical, electrical, mo¬
tor-boat, hardware, automobile, jewelry and
business-device exhibitions, where many
new inventions were first brought to the at¬
tention of the public and where capitalists
were afforded numerous opportunities of
ascertaining the merits of suggested invest¬
ments.

Similar shows are held in the leading
cities throughout the world, and everywhere
is heard expressed the greatest enthusiasm
for the advantages of such exhibitions in
introducing new commodities designed to
satisfy existing wants or readily to create new
ones.

The national and individual commercial
advantages gained from such exhibitions
cannot be estimated in money. The World
Centre because it will be centrally located
and permanent, will afford a perpetual op¬
portunity to inventors and promoters of all
nations, and will thus prove to be an unri¬
valed stimulant to that constant amelioration
of product which means steady markets and
prosperous times.

Closely allied to the opportunity for in¬
troducing new machines and devices to the

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

investing and consuming public, is that of¬
fered for advertising and selling in broader
and newer markets, goods of established
reputation and merit.

The incidental pecuniary advantages
arising from an exposition consist chiefly in
the new impulses given to commercial life
through the advertising advantages offered
and the resulting sales. Human nature
covets that which it sees and likes. With
skilful advertising, the goods will create the
demand. This is always true. So from an
exposition many new wants arise, many new
and almost unthought of desires are stimulat¬
ed into being and the aggregate of these start
the dull pulse of commerce with new and
healthy throbs or quicken the actions of al¬
ready active commerce.

It is not to be doubted that the World
Centre would furnish a better opportunity
for the training of salesmen and the develop¬
ment of new sales methods than now exists.
It would enable sales representatives from
all nations to meet in convention for the dis¬
cussion of sales principles and methods
peculiar to the various nations or the various
lines of goods sold. At present, there is but
little opportunity afforded to the commercial
interests of the world for discussing and prof¬
iting by one another’s experiences in the
selling of goods in foreign markets. While
it is not maintained that sales representatives
for competing lines will give to one another
information gathered from experience, there
is a large field for the exchange of such
information among noncompeting concerns
whose goods supplement or complement each
other. It is in this field that the maintenance
of centrally located representatives should
prove of great economic value.

Such an exhibition — placed in a World
Centre and thereby brought into contact with
the best endeavour of all nations — would
tend to stimulate demand and production
upon lines of actual utility, rather than upon
those of creating artificial demands and
supplies.

The probable advantages of the World
Centre plan in introducing new products
were exemplified on a smaller scale at the
recent Panama-Pacific Exposition. There a
personal investigation was conducted for the
purpose of this report. At the Palace of
Horticulture were found exhibits of many
new and wonderful flowers and plants, ex¬
hibits maintained in some cases at the cost
of many thousands of dollars. Florists,
herbalists, and botanists were announcing to
the world for the first time, an improvement
in or perfection of both useful and ornamen¬
tal products of nature. Many men, trained
in the science of plant and flower life, were
spending much time studying the exhibited
works of others so that they too might get
ideas and prepare for later exhibitions, still
newer and more wonderful varieties.

But more particularly, in the Palace of
Varied Industries, Liberal Arts, Manufac¬
tures and Mines, were the big industrial im¬
provements to be noted. The exposition was
primarily a commercial one, permitting the
display of modern products only, goods
manufactured or produced within very recent
years. Everywhere wonderful inventions
and discoveries were at hand, arranged and
exhibited to attract investors and consumers.

One of the largest copper mining com¬
panies in the world maintained an exhibit
at the cost of about # 100,000 for the purpose
of making known to its many stockholders
who might visit the exposition, the nature
of its products, its sources of raw materials,
and the location of its chief plants. To the
consumer, it demonstrated new and varied
uses for its products.

The Witwatersrand Gold Fields were
exhibited by the Transvaal Chamber of Mi¬
nes, Limited, of Johannesburg, Union of
South Africa, partially for patriotic reasons,
partially as a compliment to California min¬
ers, but also as an appeal for American ca¬
pital to assist in the development of the won¬
derful mining resources of that as yet insuf¬
ficiently known district.

A WORLD CENTRE

To a certain comparatively little known
company of inventors, the Panama Pacific
Exposition offered an opportunity which
they could not have developed in many years
for promoting one of their inventions into a
successful enterprise.

Several large international companies
maintained exhibits costing approximately a
quarter of a million dollars. They would
not have done so unless they had felt certain
that exhibition at an international exposition
pays.

In order to ascertain the general con¬
sensus of opinion among the men actually on
the ground, the representatives of hundreds
of well known concerns, manufacturing
goods sold throughout the United States and,
in some cases, throughout the world, were
interviewed at the Panama Pacific Exposi¬
tion. Almost without exception these men
were extremely enthusiastic as to the advan¬
tages accruing from their respective ex¬
hibits. There were, it is true, a few disap¬
pointed exhibitors. These few disappoint¬
ments were not hard to explain. In some
cases, the exhibits were not well located; in
others, there was a lack of a proper regard
for the psychology of advertising. The ex¬
hibits were not so arranged as to attract the
eye of the passer-by or hold the attention of
the observer. In other words, they were not
properly arranged to sell.

Many concerns producing novelty goods
to be sold at a low price were reaping a rich
harvest out of their exposition advertising.
They were not dependent upon the indirect
influence of the exhibit but were selling
direct to the prospect and, in many cases,
were delivering from the booth the goods
sold. Typical of this class were the sculp¬
tors from Europe, many importers of Orien¬
tal and European novelties, producers of
novelty mineral products, patented surgical
appliances and the like.

Other concerns, manufacturing a wide
range of useful household devices, tools, in¬
struments, food products, toilet articles and

the like, were taking orders for goods to be
shipped from the factory. These do not re¬
present so much the bazar type of selling as
do the other class, and their experiences are
more valuable.

There was still another class of exhibi¬
tors who did not expect direct results from
their exhibits, whose returns were indirect
and harder to check, but whose enthusiasm
for an exposition as a means for stimulating
commerce in their goods was as great if not
greater than that of representatives of either
of the other classes. In this class must be
included the manufacturers of farm machin¬
ery, mill and operative machinery, engines,
motors, iron and steel, hardware and tools,
leather and cork goods, oil products, auto¬
mobiles, chemicals, paints and explosives,
appliances for public utility companies, pub¬
lishers, office devices such as cash registers,
multigraphing and adding machines and
typewriters, plumbing and steam-fitting ap¬
pliances, electrical goods, including motors,
dynamos, heaters, stoves and miscellaneous
utensils, furniture, athletic goods, pool and
billiard tables, clocks, watches, silverware,
jewelry and a wide variety of manufactured
and prepared food products.

Representatives of concerns in this class
reported that the exposition possessed splen¬
did advertising advantages. Some of them
at the time they were interviewed had been
notified by the home office of large sales re¬
sulting directly from the exhibit, sales which
otherwise probably would not have been
made. Many of the concerns had exhibited
at earlier fairs, trade shows and the like and
considered that the results warranted further
participation at this most recent exhibition.

It cannot be doubted that they could
reap the same or greater advantage through
participation in the proposed World Centre,
where expositions will be less fleeting in
their nature, better regulated in the award¬
ing of merits, and in their selection of exhi¬
bitors and commodities of exhibit, and such
benefits naturally apply to exhibitors of all
nations. For the World Centre would serve

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

in an unmistakable manner to stimulate in¬
ventions of all sorts. Any inventor will
there have the opportunity of exhibiting an
invention of merit in such a way as to attract
the attention of the whole world. The com¬
mon spectacle of inventors dying poor be¬
cause of inability to secure the necessary a-
mounts of capital, indicated the importance
of stimulating invention in this manner.
While there are now many splendid ways
for bringing meritorious appliances of all
kinds to the attention of the public, for the
most part they are both slow and expensive
and far beyond the means and patience of
many men. As a consequence, inventive
genius is not properly fostered and the eco¬
nomic progress of the world is held in check.
Immediate and universal recognition of gen¬

ius and merit will result from the realisation
of the World Centre plan and will prove of
inestimable value to the business world.
The World Centre as it is now projected will
(afford better opportunities than now exist
for the accomplishment of all these pur¬
poses. The buildings will be permanent; the
exhibitions will be under the general control
of the national governments; competition,
because it is world-wide, will be keener; the
appeal to investor and consumer will be
stronger, because of its enlarged scope; the
returns will be greater. The manufacturer
may show his goods to a world-market — al¬
most instantly a new product may come into
world-wide use, and no longer need inventor
and manufacturer wait for the slow process
of conquering one market at a time.

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CHAPTER VIII.

COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES OF THE WORLD CENTRE.

The continual growth of permanent
trade associations and temporary expositions
gives reason for predicting the construction
at a not distant date of a carefully planned
World Centre. Evolution toward perma¬
nent organisation seems inevitable. In the
United States it is instanced by the Field
Museum, which is an outgrowth of the
World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago in
1893, and by the Philadelphia Commercial
Museum, developed from the Centennial Ex¬
position of 1876. This latter museum, until
recently, has been the most powerful single
factor in the United States for the de¬
velopment of export markets for American
products.

The Imperial Institute.

But the greatest example of a temporary
exhibition which has led to the development
of a permanent trade organisation, is afforded
by the experience of India. Because of the
light that this experience may throw upon
the desirability of a World Centre it may be
well to consider it somewhat in detail.

The Colonial and Indian Exhibition of
1886 was very successful; in particular, it
revealed so thoroughly the immense wealth
of Great Britain and created such wide¬
spread interest that the late King Edward,
then Prince of Wales, placed himself at the
head of the public movement for the es¬
tablishment in London of a permanent ex¬
hibition of Indian and Colonial products.

When the question of a suitable jubilee
memorial of Queen Victoria’s reign was
discussed, in 1887, it was decided that an Im¬
perial Institute, permanent in its nature and
erected by means of voluntary contributions
from the people of the British Empire, would
be the best and most useful form for the
memorial to take, more especially as it was
announced that the Queen herself desired it.

Accordingly, the Imperial Institute was
erected at South Kensington. It was official¬
ly opened by the Queen in May 1893.

The principal object of the Institute is
to promote the utilisation of the commercial
and industrial resources of the Empire : first,
by arranging comprehensive exhibits of nat¬
ural products, especially of the Dominions,
the Colonies and India; and secondly by
providing for the obtaining, collection, and
dissemination of scientific, technical, and
commercial information relating to them.

As originally outlined, the purposes of
the Institute were as follows :

The formation and exhibition of col¬
lections, representing the important raw
materials and manufactured products of the
British Empire and of other countries, so
maintained as to illustrate the development
of agriculture, commercial and industrial
progress in the British Empire, and the com¬
parative advance made in other countries;

A WORLD CENTRE

The establishment and promotion of
commercial museums, sample rooms, and in¬
telligence offices in London and other parts
of the Empire;

The collection and dissemination of
such information relating to trades and in¬
dustries, to emigration, and to the other pur¬
poses set forth as may be of use to the sub¬
jects of the British Empire;

j • . 1 - ; i

The promotion of technical and com¬
mercial education and of the industrial arts
and sciences;

The promotion of conferences and
lectures in connection with the general works
of the Institute and the facilitating of com¬
mercial and friendly intercourse among the
inhabitants of the different parts of the Brit¬
ish Empire; and

The doing of anything incidental or
conducive to carrying into effect all or any
of the foregoing purposes.

The work of the Imperial Institute is at
present carried on under four principal divi¬
sions : — firstly, the colonial and Indian col¬
lection, consisting mainly of raw materials,
the primary manufactures displayed in the
public exhibition galleries, and including the
central stand for receiving inquiries and dis¬
tributing publications; secondly, the scien¬
tific and technical research department,
comprising a special staff, and research lab¬
oratories occupying the second floor and
basement; thirdly, the reference library,
containing a large collection of works of
reference relating to the Dominions, the
Colonies and India, together with the prin¬
cipal periodicals and newspapers of these
dominions or colonies; fourthly, the Bulletin
of the Imperial Institute, a quarterly publi¬
cation containing a record of the work of the
Imperial Institute in its various branches,
as well as special articles on progress in tro¬
pical agriculture and industries, and the
commercial utilisation of the natural re¬
sources of the Dominions, the Colonies and
India.

Until the end of 1902, the Imperial In¬
stitute was managed by a governing body, of
which the Prince of Wales, (afterwards Ed¬
ward VII) was president, and an executive
council, including representatives of the In¬
dian Empire and of all the British colonies
and dependencies.

But, after some other changes, on Oc¬
tober 1 st, 1907, in virtue of an arrangement
made with the Board of Trade and with the
approval of the Secretary of State for India,
the management of the Imperial Institute
was transferred to the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, subject to the responsibility of
the Board of Trade under the act of 1902. A
committee of management of three members,
one nominated by each of the three govern¬
mental departments chiefly concerned, was
appointed.

The staff of the Imperial institute in¬
cludes officers with special qualifications, in
the sciences of chemistry, botany, geology,
mineralogy and technology in their relation
to agriculture and the commercial utilisation
of economic products.

The following British Dominions, Col¬
onies and Dependencies are represented by
collections, which are in charge of technical
superintendents — Canada, Newfoundland,
Jamaica, Turks and Caicos Islands, British
Honduras, British Guiana, Bahamas, Trini¬
dad and Tobago, Barbados, Windward Is¬
lands, Leaward Islands, Bermuda, Falkland
Islands, New South Wales, Victoria, Queens¬
land, Tasmania, South Australia, Western
Australia, Papua, New Zealand, Fiji, West¬
ern Pacific Islands, Union of South Africa,
Rhodesia, Nyasaland, St. Helena, Gambia,
Sierra Leone, Gold Coast, Nigeria, East
Africa Protectorate, Zanzibar and Pemba,
Uganda, Somaliland, The Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan, Malta, Cyprus, Ceylon, Hong-Kong,
Mauritius, Seychelles, Straits Settlements,
the Federated Malay States and the Indian
Empire.

Special arrangements are made to con¬
duct parties from schools through the Colo-

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

nial and Indian collections, for educational
purposes.

A central stand for publications and an
inquiry office in the main gallery facilitate
the supply of general information and the
distribution of literature. Handbooks, pam¬
phlets and miscellaneous circulars containing
information relating to the commerce, agri¬
culture, mining and industries of the princi¬
pal British Colonies and also in regard to
emigration, are available for gratuitous dis¬
tribution or to be sold. The publications of
the Emigrants Information Offices, establish¬
ed by the Colonial Office, may also be ob¬
tained ; lists of publications available for sale
or distribution are provided, and the princi¬
pal colonial and Indian newspapers may be
seen on application. An officer of the In¬
stitute is in attendance at the central stand,
which is in telephonic communication with
the departments in the main building.

In 1913, the public galleries were visited
by 214,900 persons and 19,910 colonial and
Indian publications were distributed to in¬
quirers.

The Scientific & Research Department.

The research laboratories and work¬
rooms of this department were established in
order to provide for the investigation of new
or little-known natural products from the
Dominions, the Colonies and India and of
the known products from new sources, with
a view of their utilisation in commerce. The
department also furnished trustworthy scien¬
tific and technical advice on matters con¬
nected with the agricultural trade and indus¬
tries of the different countries of the British
Empire.

The work of this department is chiefly
initiated by the Home and Colonial Govern¬
ment and the Government of India. Arrange¬
ments also have been made by the Foreign Of¬
fice whereby British representatives abroad
may transmit to the department, for inves¬
tigation, such natural products of the coun¬

tries to which they are appointed as are likely
to be of interest to British manufacturers and
merchants.

Materials investigated by the research
laboratories of the department are afterwards
submitted to further technical trials by
manufacturers and other experts, and finally
are commercially valued.

A reference sample room is maintained
in this department in which are arranged
samples of the principal materials which have
been investigated and valued commercially
during recent years, and as to which full in¬
formation is available.

If these temporary expositions have
brought forth the great need for and have
led to the establishment of such vast perma¬
nent commercial organisations, whose in¬
fluences have been world wide and whose
value no one doubts, how much more good
might result from the establishment of an
international series of such enterprises, cen¬
trally located and grouped so as to facilitate
the quick interchange of intelligence? Imag¬
ine a sort of Imperial Institute from each
country, grouped in one city, with certain
features in common. The efficiency of each
would be greatly heightened by the mere
presence of its neighbours. Information,
statistics, new products and processes would
be disseminated throughout the entire world
as rapidly as the British Imperial Institute
can today spread them throughout the British
Empire.

Such a perpetual exposition, established
in a World Centre, supplemented by bureaus
for the gathering and dissemination of com¬
mercial information, and by travelling ex¬
hibits to carry the advantages home to the
nations of the world, will hasten the eco¬
nomic progress of the world. By no other
method than the comparison in such an ex¬
hibition of the manufactured products from
different countries can the improvement of
methods of manufacture be so rapidly foster¬
ed. This international expositions have
shown to be true.

A WORLD CENTRE

Here, at one point, the nations of the
world may show their natural resources, in¬
forming capitalists in what country and in
what industry the largest returns are to be
gained, and attracting immigration where
the labour is scarce and wages are high.

Utilisation & Protection of Labour.

The World Centre will afford, through
the maintenance of central information bu¬
reaus, a clearing house for all intelligence
concerning the utilisation and protection of
labour. Government reports concerning
labour in all its aspects will be transmitted
to and collected here for ready reference and
research purposes. International labour or¬
ganisation maintaining permanent head¬
quarters can better keep track of labour op¬
portunities, over-supply and prevailing wage
and operative conditions, thus enabling the
officials to direct intelligently the general
movements of the floating supply of labour
away from underpaid and over-crowded dis¬
tricts to places affording larger opportunities
for work and better wages. The work that
is now carried on in many countries on a
district or national basis can be extended,
becoming international in its scope and cor¬
respondingly more effective in its operation.

In the same way, promoters of new en¬
terprises requiring the employment of large
labour forces, can report their demands to
this central headquarters, thus better assur¬
ing themselves of the supply of labour need¬
ed. While it is true that unofficial reports
are now generally circulated concerning such
opportunities for labourers, these reports are
not official and frequently are emitted from
unreliable sources, working injury and hard¬
ships upon the labourers affected. Official
reports, from a central agency possessing a
detailed knowledge of labour conditions,
would prevent the evils now frequently aris¬
ing from the circulation of false information.

It is not maintained here that an ideal
distribution of labour will result. But it is
believed that the ideal can more nearly be
reached through the development of the cen¬

tral agencies at the World Centre than would
otherwise be possible.

Employers of labour would find, through
this central office, a better means for receiv¬
ing or circulating information concerning
improvements in the utilisation of labour,
means but scantily afforded now in some
countries and not at all in others. Scientific
management, for example, has been develop¬
ed rapidly in the United States, through the
interest of private individuals. But no of¬
ficial central agency to furnish information
concerning its adaptability, its shortcomings
or its development is in existence. The
growth of scientific management has un¬
doubtedly been hampered because of this
fact.

Other means for increasing the efficiency
of workmen have been suggested from time to
time. Many of these have exerted but little
or no influence, because there was no official
way of bringing them to the attention of
employers and others interested. The
World Centre will provide such means and
will thus enable labour to enlarge its con¬
tribution to the total production of the world,
perfect its producing processes, and increase
its just reward.

Of much importance also to both labour¬
er and employer is the advantage offered for
studying, developing, and promoting various
kinds of helpful welfare work, designed to
improve the conditions under which the
workmen labour. Without a central clear¬
ing house for the dissemination of such
useful information, many praiseworthy ef¬
forts or schemes for strengthening the bond
between the two classes must go unheralded
and unnoticed. Organised to furnish any
employer or labourer information concern¬
ing any and every phase of welfare work, to
keep abreast of labour conditions and their
improvement, such a bureau would be of
inestimable value to the industrial world.
The labouring men not only in the more in¬
dustrial countries but throughout the world,
need such a bureau. It should be establish¬
ed. It can best be established and made

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

effective as a part of a general scheme, such
as is here proposed. If organised independ¬
ently by either industrial class, it would be
met with suspicion by the other and so be
limited to narrower and less useful work.

Stabilising Production.

Still another important commercial ad¬
vantage offered in the plan suggested lies in
the possibility of preventing over-production
and in the consequent checking of depres¬
sion, through the interchange of information
gathered from all nations by an international
organisation studying trade conditions and
activity on a world-wide basis. Many panics
and nearly all commercial depressions are
the result of over production in certain fields
of industry during periods of prosperity —
over-production brought about by overcon¬
fidence in the continuation of favourable
trade conditions.

While it is neither contemplated nor
suggested that any bureau should have con¬
trol over production, limiting it at will, it is
believed that a fuller knowledge of the con¬
ditions of trade, a knowledge which could be
obtained and imparted by a competent bureau
of trade experts, would lead to caution and
curtailment of production whenever these
were necessary. As it is now, with no such
central bureau investigating these condi¬
tions, it is necessary for each manufacturer,
farmer, miner and banker to determine them
independently, relying upon such informa¬
tion as he is able to secure in an independent
manner. Economic history teaches that
this system has not been effective; panics
and depressions occurring at more or less
regular periods of time, rather than being
prevented.

This condition is undoubtedly brought
about by the ever increasing complexity of
business, which now makes it impossible for
a single individual to grasp a knowledge of
all the essential conditions which must be
taken into consideration. Working alone,
each one necessarily over-estimates the im¬
portance of conditions which immediately

confront him and neglects those about which
he has no information. Being unable to
gather information from all international
sources and guided by local domestic con¬
ditions, he becomes over optimistic during
periods of prosperity and over pessimistic
during periods of depression. This exag¬
gerated condition, on the one hand, leads to
accumulated over-production while, on the
other hand, it leads to continual depression
and underproduction.

Among the many features of the scheme
proposed, is the creation and maintenance of
an international bureau of trade and trans¬
port which would be equipped with the
facilities for studying these conditions of
trade and commerce over the entire world
and for furnishing the information thus gath¬
ered to all persons interested. The know¬
ledge of the conditions affecting both pro¬
ducer and consumer, which could be collected
by a bureau of this kind properly equipped,
would be sufficient to protect the world
against over production and speculation and
to check the effects of a period of depression.

One international panic prevented or one
period of general depression shortened would
more than compensate for the total cost of
erecting the World Centre. The opportuni¬
ty offered to perform this possible service
should lead all business men , all producers
and all consumers to favour the establish¬
ment of the World Centre and to contribute
their taxes liberally for its support.

Development of International Trade.

Another important commercial advan¬
tage and, from the standpoint of the indi¬
vidual business man and tax payer, perhaps
the most important advantage to be gained
from the establishment of the World Centre,
will be the influence exerted and opportunity
offered for the development of international
trade.

That international exhibitions are effec¬
tive means for developing such trade, is well
illustrated by the fact that Japan first gained

4 8

A WORLD CENTRE

a foothold in American commerce at the
World’s Columbian Exposition held in Chi¬
cago in 1893, that the Philippine Islands first
introduced an extensive line of native
products at the Louisiana Purchase Expo¬
sition at St. Louis in 1904, that the South
American countries found both of these and
the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo
valuable mediums for the introduction of
their commodities, and that the United Sta¬
tes has found, as already suggested, that the
more important expositions in Europe have
been the means for large increases resulting
in its foreign trade with the leading Euro¬
pean nations.

Testimony is everywhere at hand to
prove that, in the past, expositions have fos¬
tered between nations trade which other¬
wise would have been much slower in de¬
veloping or would not have developed at all.

Peter Lund Simmons, writing in the
Royal Society of Arts Journal of November
29, 1861, summarised the advantages of the
Exhibition of London, 1851, as follows :

((To Great Britain, the International
Exhibition of 1851 certainly opened a wider
range to customers from the more intimate
appreciation that followed of the quality and
cheapness of the manufactures she produced.
Instead of being flooded, as was anticipated
with cheap foreign goods, a greater vent for
British manufactures has been afforded in
the last ten years than at any former period.
In every direction our foreign trade has been
more than doubled. To South America our
exports have risen from six million pounds
in value to twelve and one half million; to
China, from under one million to nearly
three; to African States, in about the same
ratio; to the North American Republic, from
under 15 millions to 21,613,000; to the States
of Europe, from 25,200,000 to 46,000,000.
And as regards the continent, and indeed,
most other quarters, it is those very nations
which took most active part in the Great Ex¬
position of 1851, that show the greatest in¬
crease, and have become our best customers,
such as France, Prussia, Russia, Holland,

Germany and Turkey. Our general trade
has doubled. The real value of the external
trade of the Kingdom (imports and ex¬
ports) last year reached the large sum of
£ 276,319,296, of which £ 210,648,643 was in
imports. The extension of commercial re¬
lations with various countries, the more
thorough knowledge of our productive re¬
sources and the quality of our manufactures
by foreigners, has had much to do with the
increase. And certainly, the British ex¬
hibitors will, I think, be able to show next
year that there has been no retrogression;
that science and skill have been largely de¬
veloped, and that even the education of our
workmen has not been neglected, thanks to
the labours of the Department of Science
and Art...

(( The total declared value of our exports
to foreign countries in 1850 was £ 52,739,246,
and in i860, £ 117,988,399. Although it
cannot be assumed that this immense prog¬
ress is entirely attributable to the better ap¬
preciation of our wares by foreign countries,
and the new markets opened up to our
manufacturers by the Great Exhibition of
1851, yet I think that it will not be denied
that great benefits resulted from the inter¬
change of ideas in 1851. Our friendly re¬
lations with many of the nations of Europe
have been more closely cemented. In Hyde
Park and in the Champs Elysees we demon¬
strated what we could do in the way of ex¬
cellence and cheapness. Enterprise has
been stimulated — commerce extended; our
principal manufactures have been enormous¬
ly increased; steam and sail have carried the
products of our industry into regions before
unopened to trade ».

Commenting in Congress upon the ad¬
vantage to the United States of exhibiting at
the French Exposition of 1867, Mr. Grinnel
said :

(( Now, Sir, pass this bill, give dignity to
this enterprise and encouragement to the
people; and what will be the effect? Why,
Sir, from my own state there will go more
than one hundred sheep that will be purchas¬
ed to improve the finest flocks of Germany,

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

Spain, and France. The American plow
and axe and shovel and hoe and spade will
again bear off the palm. The reaper from
the West, with its modern improvements,
will again excite the envy, the admiration,
and the wonder of Europe. And, Sir, our
machinery, with its improvements made dur¬
ing the war, will convince Europe that we
are not only greatest in war, but that even
in the midst of war, we are still greater in
the arts of peace. »

In support of the expositions of 1889,
«M. Le Rapporteur» said in the French
Chambre des Deputes :

« A long time ago they said that the time
for expositions had passed; they even said it
at the very close of the Exposition of 1867,
and Mr. M. Le Play himself did not believe
in the success of the Exposition, since he
proposed the creation of permanent general
museums.

«Nevertheless, the Exposition of 1867
was very beautiful; it succeeded admirably
from the point of view of finance. There was
held then that of 1878, which was incontest¬
ably as an exposition and independent of the
question of expenses, a very great and a very
magnificent national success. Well, I am
convinced that for other reasons the Ex¬
position of 1889 will be a still greater success
than those which have preceded it.

«It cannot be disputed that when ex¬
positions are held in a country like France,
they have for their results an incontestable
increase in manufactures and in commerce ».

Among the reports on the Vienna Uni¬
versal Exhibition of 1873, contained in the
British Parliamentary Papers, is the follow¬
ing suggestive paragraph :

« Her Majesty’s Commissioners are in¬
formed that the customs duties paid on the
English goods exhibited at Vienna, and sold
at the close of the Exhibition for the Austro-
Hungarian Empire, exceeded those paid by
any other country. There is no question that

the Exhibition has had the effect of making
the specialities of British manufacture more
widely known in Austria, and even in
Eastern markets, and it appears to us beyond
doubt that its direct results upon the industry
of the British Empire have been such as fully
to justify the expenditure incurred by this
country, while considerable advantages may
be expected to accrue to our producers
beyond those more immediately resulting
from the exhibition. »

From the report of the Superior Com¬
mission appointed by the French Govern¬
ment to investigate the Universal Exposition
of Vienna in 1873, the following two par¬
agraphs are significant:

« Perhaps as a consequence of the cir¬
cumstances under which the exposition of
1873 was opened, as a consequence of finan¬
cial disasters which have overtaken the ex¬
position at Vienna from the first month of its
opening, as a consequence also of exaggerat¬
ed reports of an epidemic which has not up
to the present presented a character truly
serious, our fellow-countrymen have gained
only a part of the advantages which they had
a right to expect.

«But I have the conviction that these
results are only put off and that the French
exhibitors will not have cause to regret the
sacrifices which have been imposed upon
them. I judge by the importance of trans¬
actions already put through, by all that I
have heard from the mouths of the manufac¬
turers themselves, as well as by what I have
seen during several days myself. I have
gone over all of the exhibits in great detail
and I judge this from the incontested favour
which our products enjoy in the capital of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire. »

Congressman Caperton, in urging the
appropriation for the Centennial at Philadel¬
phia, 1876, said :

((I can only refer to our past experience
in regard to those expositions to which Con¬
gress has made appropriations. Take the
Vienna Exposition. What was the result of

A WORLD CENTRE

that? Our artisans went there and made an
exposition of their various arts and manufac¬
tures, and the result was a very great en¬
largement of our trade with nations that had
never perhaps had any or very limited trade
with us. I saw it stated somewhere the other
day, and I have no doubt of the truth of it,
that in the articles of leather, and in leath¬
er goods, a trade which amounted to
# 300,000 or $ 400,000 was increased to
some $ 7,000,000 or $ 8,000,000. I saw it
stated further, and it is a fact which I have
no doubt has come to the attention of the
distinguished Senator from Connecticut, that
one concern in Hartford went to Vienna and
exhibited the machinery that it had wrought
for the purpose of working in iron and steel,
and such was the effect that in a short time
thereafter there was an order from the Prus¬
sian Government for machinery to make a
million rifles, and that company actually put
in their pockets the sum of £ 800,000 for the
machinery which it furnished.».

Arguing for the same appropriation, Mr.
Randolph .said :

«It is no exaggeration to say that the
impetus given to trade and commerce through
the exposition will, in the judgment of
our best commercial men, our reflecting,
thoughtful men, men who wield millions of
trade themselves each year, be worth more
to the people of this country in general re¬
turn, through absolute gain, than all the
moneys that will be expended by authority
of the Congress of the United States. The
gathered multitudes, the vast agricultural,
mechanical and artistic display, the attractive
forces will do more to germinate the single
element needed — public confidence — than
any other movement Congress can now give
aid to ».

Monsieur Henri Uavertujon, arguing
for the Exposition of 1900, said before die
Chambre des Deputes:

<( It cannot be denied that they (ex¬
positions) give an impetus to the productive
activity of nations, and especially of the

nations who organise them, to present them¬
selves to the world in all their strength, an
impetus, an outburst, a fever of invention,
which starts a fruitful emulation in all bran¬
ches of national industry and almost always
marks a new step forward in the way of
progress. It would be a mistake to believe
that the results of this great effort are only
the gratification of vanity and that the coun¬
try does not draw any progress from them ».
And further: « From them comes this in¬
crease of exportation both before and after
them which makes the fortune of so many
French houses. These houses are not only
met with in Paris. It is not the Parisian in¬
dustries alone which gain through expo¬
sitions; they gain the greater part, without
doubt, but our large industries are none the
less made known, and as they are sometimes
overlooked by reason of their distance from
the centre of things, they find an opportunity
of revealing themselves, which often decides
their success or failure ».

<( I have consulted the figures of our ex¬
ports for some years before and after our four
large expositions. It has seemed to me that
this was the surest criterion of the prosperity
of our foreign commerce.

« Let us then take first the exposition of
1855. I see that in 1852, our exports were
1,541,000,000 francs; in 1854, 1,413,000,000
francs; in 1865, the year of the exposition,
they increased to 1,558,000,000 francs, or
about 10 per cent. The years following they
are 1,893,000,000 francs or 34 per cent;
1,866,000,000 francs; 1,887,000,000 francs.

((Thus then, the Exposition of 1855 is
marked by a sudden increase in our exports
which amounts to 400,000,000 francs in two
years.

« Let us pass on to the Exposition of
1867. In 1865 our exports were 3,089,000,000
francs; in 1866, they rose to 3,118,000,000
francs. In 1967, the year of the exposition,
a decrease is noticed, the exports are
2,826,000,000 francs; in 1868, they were only
2,791,000,000 francs. But this decrease dis-

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

appeared in 1869, the receipts rose to
3> 0 75) 000 ) 000 - Unfortunately the war came
and we fell off in 1870 to 2,802,000,000 francs.

(( Let us now take the Exposition of 1878.
In 1876, the amount of our exports was
3,575,000,000 francs; in 1877, they fell off to
3,436,000,000 francs. In 1878, the year of
the Exposition, a new falling off, immediate¬
ly followed by an increase which does not
stop; our exports were 3,178,000,000 francs.
The figures for the years which followed are :
3,321,000,000 francs : 3,467,000,000 francs :
3,561,000,000 francs : 3,574,000,000 francs, an
increase of 12 per cent by 1882. Let us see
now the most interesting exposition of all,
that is, the last, 1889. The three years which
precede the Exposition of 1889 were partic¬
ularly remarkable because of the regularity
in the amount of exports. I11 1866, there
were 3,249,000,000 francs; in 1887, 3,244,000
francs; in 1888, 3,246,000,000 francs; in 1889,
the year of the Exposition, we jumped abrupt¬
ly 3>7 0 3 j 000 )°oo francs. This is an in¬
crease of 450,000,000 francs, approximately
14 per cent. In 1890, our exports rose to
3>753> 000 > 000 francs, of 500,000,000 francs
more than before the Exposition of 1889, an
increase of 15 per cent.

<( In 1891, we lose a little. The amount
of our exports was 3,569,000,000 francs.
Going on from this time, the new tariff sched¬
ule enters and we can no longer use these
figures for an argument.

« Our manufacturers, who have so many
good qualities, have one great fault. They
do not know how to leave home, they do not
go to foreign lands, as do our neighbours, and
carry the goods to the very hand of the pur¬
chaser, while at the time of the Exposition,
it is the clientele itself which comes to Paris.
The foreigner can see in the show-cases the
objects which we exhibit, he compares what
we manufacture with what they sell him at
home; his choice is soon made, and those who
come to the exposition soon become cus¬
tomers of France.

« From the point of view of the indus¬

trial exposition for the fortune of France, I
have proved by irrefutable statistics that our
commerce, our industries, our agriculture
can only gain by it; I have proved that aside
from the moral benefits which we will draw
in foreign countries, Paris and the Depart¬
ments, the capital and the provinces will de¬
rive from it considerable advantages)).

In a splendid work published in London
in 1870, entitled «Home Politics : or, the
Growth of Trade considered in its Relation
to Labour, Pauperism and Emigration»,
Daniel Grant devotes much space to a con¬
sideration of expositions and their influence
on foreign trade. Attention to portions of
this treatise should be called. I11 part, Mr.
Grant writes as follows :

« Let us pass to the consideration of the
influences that exhibitions are supposed to
have exercised on trade. At the opening of
the exhibition of 1851, the whole of the cir¬
cumstances, that could produce a successful
result, were brought freely into play. Im¬
perial pageantry, international courtesy and
diplomatic suavity were all made to aid the
development of a royal idea, and the success
of the exhibition, simply as an exhibition,
was unequalled. Not only as a mere show
was the effort successful; its influence on
trade was also very large. For the first time
in history, nations were invited from all parts
of the world to take part in rendering homage
to mere commercial pursuits; and for the first
time it was proclaimed as a principle, that
trade was paramount; dreams of universal
peace and universal brotherhood were largely
indulged in, until they were disturbed by the
rude utterances of war.

« Yet with all this, there were some re¬
sults that were left unchallenged. The exhi¬
bition ennobled commerce; men from various
parts of the world had learned to look upon
trade, and more particularly English trade,
from a point of view that they had never
previously approached, and the result was
that the trading relations were not only ce¬
mented but extended. The ideas associated
with our Palace of Industry were those of

5 2

A WORLD CENTRE

royalty, wealth and elegance, and all these
were aided by the very structure of the build¬
ing, as it rose in its fragile beauty, span¬
ning the noble trees and looking out to the
clear sky beyond. To ourselves as well as
to others, it was a great lesson, the influence
of which has not yet died out. It taught us
not only what we could, but what we could
not do, and it placed before us by illustration,
stronger than any language, how- much in¬
ferior our art productions were to those of our
compeers; and from that teaching has ema¬
nated our South Kensington Museum and
our present demand for technical education.

«All of these things influence trade,
both directly and indirectly. In an earlier
part of this chapter it was pointed out that
the personal knowledge of buyer and seller
forms an important link in the growth of
trade, and, in one sense, the first exhibition
aided this. Men, who for years had known
each other by name, came to know each other
as a matter of fact, and thus built up relations
that produced mutual good. The mere pres¬
tige of the «world’s bazar» brought men
from every quarter of the habitable world
and they carried away with them to their
distant homes memories of English produc¬
tions, that have since borne fruit. At the
time, among the whole of our manufacturers,
it was recognised as an unchallengeable fact,
that the exhibition had stimulated trade, that
orders were plentiful and that its success was
great.

«The statistics do more than bear this
point out; the bound in our exports is both
clear and decisive. It will be necessary to
notice here that the direct results of the ex¬
hibition would not be manifest until the year
after it had closed, and would not probably
extend twelve months beyond. The exhibi¬
tion did not close until the end of the year, the
orders given during the time would be deliv¬
ered partly in the year 1851 and partly in
1852, and the return orders some months
later, so that the effects would appear in the
following year. The statistics here given
show very markedly the growth of our ex¬
ports at the particular epochs.

((Our exports in 1851 were 74,448,722
pounds.

«Our exports in 1852 were 79,076,854
pounds.

«Our exports in 1853 were 98,933,781
pounds.

((Showing an advance in the two years
of 24,485,059 pounds or 33 per cent. The
same results are apparent in the two years
of the second exhibition :

« Our exports in 1862 were 123,992,264
pounds.

Our exports in 1863 were 146,602,342
pounds.

Our exports in 1864 were 160,449,053
pounds.

« Showing an advance in the two years
of 36,456,789 or 29 per cent.

«In looking at these figures, it must be
remembered that the results here manifested
embrace the action of other causes beside that
of the exhibition. For instance, in 1851, the
gold fever in Australia was in full swing, and
there was also flowing from our shores the
emigration that followed the Irish famine;
both these causes would combine to swell the
returns of 1852, 1853. At the second ex¬
hibition another influence was at work, the
results of which are quite manifest, viz : the
operations brought into play in connection
with Limited Liability. This act came into
operation in full force in 1864. The result
is manifested in the returns of our export
trade in that year, and also in those of 1865
and 1866. To some, it may appear dubious
that the Limited Liability Act should have
this influence; a little examination will show
the reason why. There is no question that,
at the time of the speculation mania, com¬
panies for every conceivable purpose were
floated into existence, some useful, some
stupid and more mere frauds; but whether
good, bad or indifferent; whether they paid
dividends or not; whether they ruined share¬
holders or not, during the time of their ex¬
istence they stimulated trade. To what
extent they acted may be gathered from a
statement that appeared in the Money Ar¬
ticle of the Times, in which it was stated that

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

during the continuance of the mania, com¬
panies, representing a capital of 800 millions,
had either been projected or actual^ floated.
A mere moiety of the amount here named
would be sufficient to explain a large increase
in speculative trading.

<( Our trading with Holland had shown
no development from 1840 to 1851; over the
whole of these years we have slight fluctua¬
tions, but nothing more. The years 1861,
1862, 1863 and 1864 all show larger amounts
of exports than the remainder of the years
including that of 1851. We may therefore
assume that the trade with Holland was ab¬
solutely stationary, until the new influences
of the exhibition and the reduction of its own
tariff came into play. It seems only fair to
consider these two causes as acting in unison.
For instance, the reform of the Dutch Tariff
took place in 1850, yet the next year shows
no advance; the returns for the two years
being almost identical in amount, whilst the
two years that follow the exhibition show an
advance of nearly one million.

« The returns of Belgium show no posi¬
tive increase until the Exhibition year 1862,
and from that date they have advanced con¬
tinuously.

«The conditions connected with trade
have been traced through three phases.
First, on the broad principle that must under¬
lie all trade — the simple principle of know¬
ledge of the goods themselves, knowledge of
the people who sell them and the gradual
advance of civilisation and its associate, the
railway system. In the second place, the
individual action of special causes such as
war, exhibitions, emigration, and capital has
been traced through those countries’ returns,
which more clearly represent the bulk of our
increased trade. And in the third place, the
totals of our exports have been viewed as
totals; to see how far they correspond with
the principles laid down. The answers in
each case appear to be the same; and the
results seem to be connected as cause and
effect.

« With reference to future exhibitions, it
may be said, that the more clearly the results
are appreciated, the greater will be the care
used to bring them into action, and to make
them worthy of the purposes for which they
were originally designated. That they have
produced a large extension of our trade in
the past seems beyond doubt, and that they
possess an equal capacity for its development
in the future, seems equally clear; one ques¬
tion being, in what shape and under what
circumstances they shall be called into action.
With proper limitations there seems every
reason to believe that we may anticipate from
this cause a powerful influence in the de¬
velopment of our future trade. It will be ob¬
vious that the success of any exhibition is
more or less dependent 011 the mode in which
it is carried through; if either from want of
care, want of interest, or want of judgment,
it be allowed to sink to the level of a private
speculation, the power it will exercise over
the other countries would be proportionate^
reduced; if, on the other hand, the might of
our national position be brought to bear, the
success that would follow may be assumed as
accomplished ».

Since then there can be no doubt that
temporary expositions have contributed
much to the general development of inter¬
national trade, neither can there be any doubt
that a permanent exposition, conducted
under the joint auspices of the leading na¬
tions of the world and located in a centre
easily accessible, would contribute even more
than have the temporary expositions. The
value of the temporary expositions from this
view point, has been demonstrated over and
over again, the testimony of statesmen, ex¬
hibitors and students of trade promoting
proving this point conclusively.

If the World Centre is established and
includes the feature of permanent commer¬
cial exhibits, there can be no doubt but that
the foreign trade of the nations will be in¬
creased. This increase, even though it be
but a small per cent of the now existing trade,
might easily justify the total expenditure

A WORLD CENTRE

required for the erection and permanent
maintenance of the city. A glance at the
statistics of foreign trade appended hereto
indicates something of the enormity of this
trade among the leading nations of the world.
It will be seen that the value of the annual
exports from the United States alone amounts
to nearly £ 2,000,000,000. It has been shown
that trade has increased as much as 33 per
cent within two years after an exhibition,
not all of which could be credited directly to
the exhibition, of course. Assuming that the
World Centre would result in increasing this
trade only five per cent, the annual increase
would amount to £ 100,000,000. Allowing
for an average net profit of five per cent,
surely a conservative figure, this increase
would net £ 5,000,000, a sum sufficient to
warrant the expenditure of £ 125,000,000 if
capitalised at four per cent, a rate higher
than the Government of the United States is
obliged to pay for most of its borrowed funds;
or of £ 100,000,000 if capitalised at five per
cent; or of £ 85,333,333 if capitalised at six
per cent, which merely represents the com¬
mercial rates of interest for money in that
country.

It is asked : but who is to pay the large
sum of money which the World Centre will
cost? In reply be it said that a venture of
such incalculable value as the construction
of an international city literally pays for it¬
self. Considering for a moment the export
trade of only the ten largest countries of the
world, we find that the value of the annual
export trade of these nations, in times of
peace, approximates £ 13,000,000,000,000.
Allowing for the same rate of increase in
total trade, and for the same average rate of
net profit, then capitalising this profit at five
per cent, we find that the capitalised value of
our net annual gain amounts to £ 650,000,000
a sum sufficient to pay, in one year, the entire
cost of the proposed enterprise. The sooner
the nations of the world can be persuaded to
build the World Centre, the sooner their
citizens will begin to profit by its construc¬
tion, £ 650,000,000 per annum.

But the maintenance of the World Centre
does not contemplate the expenditure by the
United States of £ 125,000,000 nor even of
l£ 83,000,000. This, as we have shown, is
only one of the many advantages to be gained,
perhaps not even the most important com¬
mercially.

While it is true that these figures are
based on an estimated hypothesis, the esti¬
mates seem reasonable and the figures indi¬
cate the necessity for weighing carefully the
economic advantages of the proposed World
Centre, the probable pecuniary gain to the
world at large, irrespective of any moral,
social or political gains, which we have not
here attempted to set forth, but which are just
as sure to result and which should weigh as
heavily in any consideration of the project.

The ideal is universal cooperation. Na¬
tions are far from self-sufficing. We must
look beyond the boundaries of the national
state unless we wish to be cut off from the
full advantages of civilisation. Modern in¬
vention and science have made the world a
unit, and no nation can neglect international
cooperation without wasting its energies and
its resources.

During the past century the idea of a
common humanity has received strong and
manifold expression and been given a tan¬
gible embodiment in numerous joint conven¬
tions entered into by many nations. Several
hundred international associations, repre¬
senting nearly all branches of science, art, re¬
ligion, and industry have been formed. Na¬
tionalism per se has given way to a higher
organisation — internationalism.

That this internationalism may be given
full opportunity to grow, that a suitable
home, on neutralised territory, may be estab¬
lished for the housing of the headquarters of
the many international organisations, that
nations may be drawn into closer cooperation,
the World Centre has been conceived and its
construction recommended .

CHAPTER IX.

SUMMARIES AND CONCLUSIONS.

The World Centre as planned embodies
two distinct ideas, carefully calculated to
serve their purpose; an International Centre
and a City. The International Centre is in
the heart of the City and is made up of three
distinct though closely connected groups —
the Physical Culture Group, the Art Group
and the Science Group.

The Physical Culture Group is composed
of a vast Stadium, a Natatorium and Gym¬
nasia for both men and women. The Phys¬
ical Culture area contains ample space for
open air sports and international exhibitions
and contests, such as the Olympic Games.

The Art Group is composed of an impos¬
ing Temple and vast areas dedicated to art
schools and gardens. The Temple has a vast
auditorium in the centre, where music and
drama may be heard and seen by great
audiences, as well as spacious halls and
galleries for the exhibition of sculpture and
painting.

The Scientific Group is connected with
the centre of Art and Phy sical Culture by the
broad Avenue of the Nations , flanked on
either side by national palaces which will
house the exhibits and present the principal
products, industries and manufactures of the
various nations. The Science Group has for
its crowning motif a gigantic Tower of
Progress. This Tower, planned on lines of
practical utility, is capable of providing

offices for those international societies recog¬
nised as beneficial to humanity and to the
progress of the world, as well as for the
World Press and a great station of wireless
telegraphy.

The Tower rises in the midst of a circular
space set aside for Industrial and Scientific
Congress buildings. This group includes
buildings which will be dedicated respec¬
tively to Medicine, Surgery and Hygiene,
Law and Criminology, Electricity and In¬
ventions, Agriculture and Transportation.
To the right and left, an International Court
of Justice and a Temple of Religions are plan¬
ned on generous lines. An International
Bank or Clearing House, a World Reference
Library and an International Institute of
Higher Learning complete the group. These
buildings form what is known as Congress
Square, and the Tower of Progress, rising in
their midst, is the heart of both the Inter¬
national Centre and the City.

The City proper is divided into residen¬
tial, business and industrial quarters. The
residence quarter is in turn divided into six
sections, each with its own central square
for administrative buildings, schools, libra¬
ries, conference halls, markets, theatres and
churches. Each quarter is supplied with
heat from a central station in the outskirts,
thus avoiding the nuisance of smoke and gas,
and greatly facilitating the maintenance of
sanitary conditions.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

Neither the beauty of the City nor the
Centre is marred by transportation con¬
veyances on the broad streets and avenues,
for all heavy traffic, except that by water, is
under ground.

Beauty of architectural form, daylight,
electric light, air, comfort and utility as well
as hygiene and sanitation are everywhere
considered and the problems arising from
their use solved. Everything that science
has done and everything that experience has
taught as being of service, has been incor¬
porated into the drawings and plans of the
International City and Centre. It is a model
centre in a model city, designed to serve as
a centre for all business, intellectual and
social activities. Works of art will be
shown, inventions exhibited and the great
men of the world of thought, ideas and ac¬
tions may find here a meeting place and a
home. It will be the clearing house of the
world for all that is best in civilisation.

A perpetual World’s Fair, maintained
in the various national buildings bordering
either side of the Avenue of Nations, will
exhibit the latest developments in business,
in science and in the products of industry.

International societies, congresses, as¬
sociations and organisations, which exist to
promote progress in science, philosophy,
law, art and religion, can come to this centre
for their meetings. Should they prefer or
need to meet elsewhere, a permanent ad¬
ministration can facilitate the organisation
of such gatherings in any country desired
and collect the reports of their proceedings
for the purpose of coordinating results and
of making these available upon demand from
any part of the world.

International organisations will main¬
tain a close and intimate connection with the
life and activities of the Centre. Through it
they will be enabled to develop a fuller, more
complete sense of international cooperation
and mutuality, a more efficient service and a
better administration. Their expansion will
be facilitated, their usefulness enhanced.

The World Centre will serve both indi¬
viduals and nations in all parts of the world,
affording undeniable and unlimited advan¬
tages. It is not the scheme of a pacifist,
advocated in the belief that it will make war
impossible. It is a practical plan that will
eliminate many difficulties of cooperation,
thus resulting in the establishment of more
harmonious and peaceful economic relations
facilitated by science and culture, upon
which more and more the life of nations and
individuals depends.

The World Centre is not a fantasy, con¬
ceived in the fertile imagination of an im¬
practical dreamer, but a logical next step
forward in a world movement towards
greater and greater centralisation. The re¬
cent rapid growth in the number of inter¬
national organisations bears sufficient ev¬
idence that such a movement is well under
way. That it may not be aborted but carried
on to its most complete development, is the
primary purpose of the proposed city.

Men and nations will continue to unite,
as they have in the past, for the protection
of themselves, their ideals and the products
of their natural resources, industries and
labour. For their mutual benefit, as a spot
where their spiritual and intellectual in¬
spirations as well as their scientific and phys¬
ical achievements may focus, this city should
be established.

The need for a World City has resulted
from the growth of international interests,
brought about, in the main, by the increasing
interdependence of the nations. The de¬
velopment of means of rapid communication
— the railroad, steamboat, telegraph, tele¬
phone, wireless — has obliterated, national
boundary lines, knitted the world into a sin¬
gle humanity and produced a spirit of world
wide cooperation. The existence of more
than thirty public and more than three hun¬
dred unofficial international congresses, con¬
ferences, associations, etc., bears sufficient
evidence of the existence of this spirit.

These numerous organisations, with
their headquarters scattered throughout the

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

world cannot now cooperate with one another
to any great extent. Hence the complete
development of the cooperative .spirit is pre¬
vented and much of the benefit to be derived
from these organisations is undoubtedly
thereby lost. The erection of the World
Centre would eliminate these duplications
and result in greater and more effective
work. Concerted action will eliminate over¬
lapping and inefficient service and will pro¬
duce economies of large proportions. The
maintenance of such a permanent headquar¬
ters for these numerous international organ¬
isations will finally result in the collection,
at a single place, of information concerning
the work, resources and achievements of all
nations; statistics of the international condi¬
tions of trade and commerce; production, in
all its branches; finance and demography.
In short, the World Centre will become a
world clearing house for information con¬
cerning the conditions of business, the ad¬
vance of science, religion and art, throughout
the world. The value of such information
will be inestimable, the opportunity to gather
and distribute it unsurpassed by any other
means now known.

To the nations of the world, this Centre
will afford an opportunity for studying com¬
parative politics, state administration and
all essential experiments of government,
through a central agency. By recording
here the experiments of all nations, rapid
and permanent progress in governmental
affairs can be made. Unique experiences,
advances made in any one country, should be
made known to other nations in order that
these may introduce the adaptable features,
thereby reducing the number of costly and
useless experiments which must of necessity
take place when no central agency exists,
where the experiences of all the nations can
be brought together, compared, and tested.

Past experience has demonstrated clear¬
ly that such an agency will result in more ef¬
ficient government. For example, the U-
nited States has profited materially in the
improvement of industrial education from
international expositions of the past where

governmental activities have been displayed
by the nations exhibiting. Manual training
was introduced into the schools as a direct
result of the Centennial Exhibition of 1876.
Shop work as a part of the curriculum of
technical schools resulted from the same ex¬
position. The entire reorganisation of pri¬
mary education in France resulted from the
Paris Exposition of 1878.

The beginning of the reform of the pat¬
ent and postal laws of all nations can be
traced directly to the Exposition of 1851.
This exposition also contributed to the im¬
provement in laws of copyright; quarantine
laws; in the passport system; in international
commercial law T s; in the sanitary codes and
economics; and to the endeavour to establish
a little uniformity in the coins, weights,
measures and scientific numeration systems
of the principal European countries.

The World Centre, like these exposi¬
tions of the past, will bring the nations into
closer communication and into intimate ac¬
quaintance with each other.

Particularly in the full development of
the gathering and dissemination of infor¬
mation concerning agricultural and farm
market conditions, can the World Centre be
of immediate and general advantage to na¬
tions qnd individuals.

Demonstration by exhibit of what has
been done in the improvement of agricultur¬
al crops, live stock, etc., would mean new
and larger markets for seeds and grains,
stock for breeding and vegetable products.
Also it would mean to those who received
the exhibit, an incentive to improve their
products.

Information concerning scientific agri¬
culture would be collected and distributed,
resulting beyond a doubt, in more excellent
methods. The total result would be an
enormous increase in the world’s productive
capacity. Through the work of this central
agency, new plant types would be developed
and introduced where soil and climate con¬
ditions are known to be most favourable.

A WORLD CENTRE

The ravages of plant and animal diseases
and pests could be studied and checked,
through the development of proper remedies.
The movement of infected stock from one
country to another could be regulated more
effectively. Here the development of most
thorough cooperation is needed. This need
is evidenced by the numerous attempts of
threatened nations to seek the experiences
and remedies of other countries. Only when
there is organised a central agency for the
collection of such information, will the con¬
trol of disease and pests be commensurate
with the evils to be controlled.

Like the International Exhibitions, the
World Centre will surely prove its indispen-
sabilitv in the field of business and in the
direct increase of trade and commercial ac¬
tivity. Practical education would be en¬
hanced by the exhibits which have taken their
place among education’s best recognised
tools. Workmen visiting the exhibits could
find their skill advanced, their tastes improv¬
ed. Travelling exhibits could be arranged
and forwarded to the remotest parts of the
world, wherever needed, at comparatively
small expense. Business corporations, ed¬
ucational institutions and governments have
found such exhibits worth while when con¬
ducted even on a small scale. Much more
could be accomplished when exhibitions are
arranged to include all humanity and all
industries the world over.

The most outstanding benefit of World’s
Fairs, one sure to accrue to the World Cen¬
tre, has been the profitable borrowing by one
nation of the productive methods of other
nations. The improvement resulting in the
design, form, colour and proportion of Eng¬
lish manufactures as a direct result of the
exhibits of the more delicate French goods
at the Exposition of 1851, is a striking ex¬
ample. These improvements were imme¬
diately and easily recognised.

The successful establishment of the Bes¬
semer steel industry in the United States is
a direct result of the Paris Exposition of 1867.

All improvements of industry, brought
before the World Centre by exhibit or report
could be made known, worth while improve¬
ments adopted, productive processes stand¬
ardised and prices taken from the domain
of caprice and rendered more stable.

Universal competition among artists and
industrial producers would become general.
Genius would be stimulated, inventions mul¬
tiplied, new ideas and contrivances brought
to light.

World’s Fairs have attracted capital and
labour to develop the natural resources of
new countries. In a permanent exhibition
this result could be more fully attained.
Large business opportunities could be analys¬
ed and made known. All surplus of capital
and labour could be directed to needy fields,
thus enabling each nation to receive that
which it most required for a rounded eco¬
nomic development. This central bureau of
industrial information could, In part, check
the employment of capital and labour in un¬
productive or uneconomical enterprises.

The introduction of goods into new
markets has been one of the most magical
results of World’s Fairs and bids fair to be
one of the chief economic benefits of the
World Centre. Wherever and whenever a
new thing of value appeared, once it passed
the stern testing of the central exposition,
its merits would have a world-wide adver¬
tisement.

Exhibits have always been employed for
the introduction of patented devices of merit.
The World Centre, because it would be per¬
manent and centrally located, would afford
a perpetual opportunity to inventors and
promoters, for introducing new machines
and devices to the investing and consuming
public.

Through the maintenance of central in¬
formation bureaus, there will be afforded a
clearing house for all intelligence concern¬
ing the utilisation and protection of labour.

ECONOMIC ADVANTAGES

International labour organisations will main¬
tain headquarters here. Advantages will be
offered for studying, developing, and promot¬
ing various kinds of investigation and
activity designed to improve and better
the conditions under which the workmen
labour.

The possibility of preventing over-pro¬
duction and the consequent checking of
depressions, through the interchange of in¬
formation gathered from all nations by an
international organisation studying trade
conditions and activity, is likely to be one
of the most important commercial advan¬
tages attained by the plan suggested. A
fuller knowledge of trade conditions property
disseminated, would lead to caution and
curtailment when these were necessary.
Business barometers are now too complex,
too interwoven, to be grasped by a single
individual. The interplay of economic for¬
ces is too great to enable one person to weigh
property the true significance of any one

force. An international organisation is nec¬
essary.

Much evidence has been compiled to
show that exhibitions have fostered interna¬
tional trade. The permanent commercial
exhibits to be featured by the World Centre
will increase the foreign trade of the nations
participating. Even though this increase be
but a small part of the existing trade, it
might easily justify the total expenditure
necessary for the erection and permanent
maintenance of the city.

The World City has many important
economic services to perform. Its erection
will result in moral, social, political and pe¬
cuniary gain to the world. It is economically
feasible. It is desirable when measured
even from a commercial and pecuniary stand¬
point. Surety it is even more to be desired
when viewed from the larger standpoints of
social justice, morals and the welfare of all
mankind.

■

' I

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■

}

■

•

!/. MS N i i ' ; f M ■ M.j

PART II

CHAPTER

TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. — The World City a Practical Ideal.

II. — Growth of Internationalism and Need for a World Centre .

III. — The Probable Influence of a World Centre on International Peace.

IV. — Public Advantages of the World Centre.

V. — Advantages of a World Centre in disseminating Information concern¬

ing Agricultural and Farm Market conditions.

VI. — The World Centre will improve Industrial Conditions.

VII. — Creation of New Markets and Stimulation of Business .

VIII. — Commercial Advantages of the World Centre.

IX. — Summary and Conclusions ..

PAGE

■

• . .

V-

• ■ / i ': •' i• . r

■

APPENDICES

■«

■

APPENDIX I.

Reprinted from “ The Rise of Internationalism „ by John ©ulbert Faries, H. M.

The purpose of the Appendix is to exhibit to English readers the international life of the world as
shown (i) in the official international conferences and (2) in private international congresses and associations.

The list of official conferences includes only those which deal with matters of a general and non¬
political character. The first column gives the date of the first conference on the subject, the second
column the matter considered, the third column the number of states participating in the conference or
adhering to the convention, the fourth column the number of conferences held, the fifth column the
form of permanent organisation and the sixth its headquarters.

The English names in the unofficial congresses in the second list may not in every case be the exact
equivalents of the French or German titles, but comparison has been made with lists of the Library of
Congress, the New York Public Library and the Columbia University Library. The first column gives
the first congress as far as ascertainable, the third column gives the number of meetings held up to 1914,
the fourth column the form of permanent organisation and the fifth its headquarters.

The lists have been compiled largely from data furnished by L’Annuaire de la Vie Internationale
1908-1909, 1910-1911, and bound volumes of La Vie Internationale, which are invaluable compendiums
on the subject. It is hoped that English readers will hereby be enabled to judge of the development
and scope of Internationalism.

ABBREVIATIONS USED.

Al.

- Alliance

Cn.

- Commission

Per.

- Permanent

As.

- Association

Cv.

- Convention

Sec.

- Secretariate

Bu.

- Bureau

Fed.

- Federation

Soc.

- Society

Ce.

- Committee

- International

- Universal

Cf.

- Conference

Inst.

- Institute

Un.

- Union

Cg.

- Congress

Lg-

- League

Unif.

- Uniform

Cl.

- Council

Of.

- Office

Vs.

- Against

Or.

- Order

OFFICIAL CONFERENCES

ORG’D

SUBJECT

STATES

M’TINGS

PER:

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

1815. . . .

African Slave Trade . . .

Bu.

Brussels

1826. . . .

I. Cf. of Panama ....

1851. . . .

1 . Sanitary Cf.

1 2

Un.

Paris

1863. . . .

U. Postal Un.

I 1

Bu.

Berne

1863. . . .

Sugar Union.

Bu.

Brussels

1864. . . .

Geneva (Red Cross) Cf.

Ce.

Geneva

1864. . . .

I. Geodetic As.

Bu.

• Berlin

1865. . . .

Cape Spartel Lighthouse. .

1865. . . .

Latin Monetary Un. . . .

1865. . . .

U. Telegraphic Un. . . .

Bu.

Berne

1867.

L Monetary Cf.

OFFICIAL CONFERENCES — Continued.

ORG'D

SUBJECT

STATES

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

1872.

•

Scan. Monetary Un. . . .

I. Cf. on Wts & Measures.

Bu.

Paris

1878.

I. Phylloxera Cf.

1878.

Railway Freight ....

Of.

Berne

1880.

I, Patents.

Bu.

Berne

188 r.

Suez Sanitary Cl.

Cl.

Alexandria

i8§2.

Policing North Sea . . .

1882.

Protec. Submarine Cables .

1882.

Railway Technique . . .

t—<

I. Copyright.

Bu.

Berne

1885.

I. Exch. of Works of Art. .

l886.

I. Exch. of Pub. Doc’s . .

3 i

1886.

Sale Alco. to Fishermen. .

1888.

S. A. Cg. Private I. Law .

1888.

Pub. Customs’ Tariffs . .

Bu.

Brussels

1888.

I. Cf. on Penal Law. . ,

1889.

I. Maritime Cf.

Pan-American Cf.

Bu.

Washington

1890.

Legal Protec. of Labor . .

1893.

Private I. Law.

1898.

Meas. of Cargoes ....

O'
O'
00
»—«

First Peace Cf. . , . .

1899.

Hague Tribunal.

4 i

Bu.

Hague

1899.

Marine Exploration. . . .

Bu.

Copenhagen

1899.

Reg. Alcohol in Africa . .

1899.

Classif. Causes of Death .

Bu.

Paris

1900.

Preser. African Wild Animals.

1902.

Unif. Form. Power. Drugs .

1902.

Pan-Amer. Sanitary Ln.

Bu.

Washington

1902.

Protec. of. Useful Birds. .

1902.

Suppres. White Slavery . .

1903.

I. As. of Seismology , . .

Bu.

Strasburg

1905.

I. Cf. on Maritime Law. .

I 9 °T

I. Inst, of Agriculture. . .

Ce.

Rome

1906.

Radiotelegraphic Un. . . .

Un.

Berne

1906.

Cen. Amer. Cf. ...

Bu.

Guatemala

1907.

Cen. Amer. Ct. of Justice .

San Jose

1907.

Pan-American Ry. ...

1907.

Second Peace Cf.

4 ?

1908.

I. Naval Cf.

1908.

Cen. Amer. Pedagog. Inst. .

San Jose

1908.

I. Saccarine Cf.

1908.

Reg. Arms in Africa .

OFFICIAL CONFERENCES — Continued.

ORG’D

SUBJECT

STATES

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

I9O9. . . .

World’s Map.

Ce.

London

I9O9. . . .

Cen. Amer. Monetary Un. .

1909. . . .

Running of Automobiles. .

I9O9. . . .

I. Opium Cn.

I 2

I9IO. . . .

Commercial Statistics. . .

Bu.

I9IO. . . .

Aerial Navigation ....

1911. . . .

S. Amer. Postal Un. . . .

Bu.

Montevideo

1911. . . .

Fur Seals.

1912. . . .

I. Opium Cf.

1912. . . .

I. Cf. of the Hour . . .

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC.

URG’D

1848.

i860. .

1862. .

1869. .

1872. .

1873. .

1874. .

1877.

1878. .

1880. .

1881. .

l88l. .

1883. .

1885. .

1886. .

1889. .

l88g. .

1889. .

i. ECONOMIC INTEREST

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

I. Cg. of Agriculture.

Cn.

Paris

I. Brewers’ Cg.

I. Cg. of Pomology.

L As. of Hotel Men.

Cl.

Cologne

I. Cg. of Silk Culture.

I. Cg. of Agric. & Forestry.

I. Cg. on Indus. Prop.

I. Cg. for Unif. Meas. of. Textiles . . .

I. Cg. of S. Amer. Lawyers.

I. Engineering Cg.

I. Cg. for Devel. of Transportation. . .

I. Cg. of Commerce & Industry . . .

Cn.

I Cf. on Agric. Meteorology.

I. Cg. of Direc’s Agric. Sta’s.

I. Cg. of Contractors of Pub. Works . .

I. Soc. of Electricians.

Ce.

Paris

I. Cg. of Horticulture.

I. Tramway Cg.

Ce.

Brussels

I. Railway Cg.

Cn.

Brussels

I. Cg. of Glassworkers.

Sec.

Berlin

I. Cg. of Printers.

Sec.

Stuttgart

I. Cg. of Pigeon Fanciers.

I. Un. of Hatters.

Sec.

Altenburg

I. Cg. of Marine Works.

•

I. Cg. for Utiliz. of Rivers.

I. Cg. of. Mines & Metallurgy ....

I. Grain & Flour Cg.

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’D

1889. .

1890.

1890. .

X89O. .

1891. .

1892. .

1893. •

1893. .

1893. •

1893. .

1894. .

189?. .

1895. .

1896. .

1896.
1896. .

1896. .

1897. .

1898. .

I. ECONOMIC INTEREST

I. Cg. of Bakers.

1 . Cg. of Proces. of Construction .

I. Cg. of Agric. Botany.

I. Un. of Tobacco-Workers . . .

I. Fed. of Miners.

I. Un. of Wood-workers . . . .

I. Un. of Elec. Stations.

I. Fed. of Glovers.

1 . Un. of Shoemakers.

I. Un. of Forestry Stations . . .

I. Cg. of Agriculture.

1 . Irrigation Cg.

1 . Fed. of Metal-workers . . . .

I. Cg. of Ry. Employees . . . .

1 . Patent Cg.

I. Cg. of Naval Architecture . . .

I. Cg. of Authors.

I. Insurance Cg. ...... .

U. Cg. of Bankers.

I. Cg. of Journalists.

I. Fed. of Potters.

I. Fed. of Textile-workers. . . .

I. Fed. of Furriers.

I. Fed. of Brewery-workers . . .

I. Un. of Press As’s.

I. Cg, of Paper Mfgrs.

I. Textile Cg.

I. Fed. of Cooks.

I. Cg. of Actuaries.

I. Cg. of Leather-workers. . . .

I. Fed. of Tailors.

I. Fed. of Lithographers . . . .

I. Fed. of Ship & Dock-workers .

I. Cg, of Publishers.

I. Cg. of Maritime Fishing. . . .

I. Cg. of Dockers.

I. Fed. of Transpor. Workers. . .

I. As. of Indus. Prop.

I. Fed. of Commercial Travelers .

I. Cg. of Agriculture.

I. As. Leather-trade Chemists . .

I. Cg. of Moulders.

I. Cg. of Screw-threading. . . .

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG'N

HEADQUARTERS

Sec.

Bremen

Sec.

Manchester

Sec.

Berlin

Bu.

Dresden

Sec.

Berlin

Sec.

Nuremberg

Sec.

Stuttgart

Sec.

Berlin

Sec.

Manchester

Sec.

Hamburg

Sec.

Berlin

Ce.

Paris

Bu.

Frankfort

Ce.

Brussels

Sec.

Berlin

Sec.

Berlin

Cn.

Berne

Ce.

Hamburg

Ce.

Berlin

Ce..

Cn.

Huy

Ce.

Leeds

ORG’D

1898. .

I9OO. .
I9OO. .
I9OO.
I9OO.
I9OO. .
I9OO. .
1900. .
I9OO. .
I9OO. .

1900-.
I9OO,
I9OO. .
1900.
I9OO.
I9OO. .
I9OO. .
I9OO.
I9OO. .

1900.

1901. .
I9OI. .
1901. .

1901.
1901.

1902.
1902.
1902.
1903 . .

I9O3. .

1903 . .

I903. .

I9O3. .

1903 . .

1904. .

I904. .

I9O4. .

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

I. ECONOMIC INTEREST

I. Cg. vs. Destruc. of Birds . . .

I. Fishery Cg.

I. Acetylene Cg.

I. Cg. of Fruits of the Press. . .
I. Cg. of Grape Culture . . . .

I. Cg. of Sylviculture.

I. Cg. vs. Cochylis.

I. Real Estate Cg.

I. Cg. of Millers.

I. Cg. of Gas Industry.

I. Grocery Cg.

1 . Un. of As’s of Inventors . . .

I. Agric. & Fishery Cg.

I. Cg. on Rational Food for Cattle.
I. Cg. of Christian Textile-workers
I. Cg. of the Merchant Marine . .

I. Fed. of Employees.

I. Fed. of Employees in Commerce

I. Textile Cg.

I. Cg. of Wines, Spirits, etc. . .

I. Ramie Cg.

I. Cg. of Agric. Syndicates . . .

I. Marine As.

I. Good Roads Cg.

I. Cg. for Protec. vs. Hail. . . .

I. Cg. of Hybridization of Vine . .

I. Cg. of Rice Culture.

I. Cg. on Plant Breeding & Hybrid

.. Navigation Cg.

I. Cg. of Denatured Alcohol . . .

1 . Fed. of Masons.

I. Dairy Cg.

I. Confed. of Musicians.

I. Cg. of Stonecutters.

I. Cg. of Quarrymen.

I. Fed. of Dyers & Scourers . . .
I. Cg. of Alpine Gardens ....
I. Cg. on Running of Autos . . .

I. Cg. of Painters.

I. Fed. of Pavers.

I. Cotton Cg.

I. Cf. on Hospital Construction . .
I. Cg. of Lawyers.

M’TINGS ORG’N HEADQUARTERS

3
1

2
2
1

4 Ce. Paris

2
2
6

Bu.

Ghent

Sec.

Hamburg

Ce.

Paris

Ce.

Bu.

Brussels

Sec.

Hamburg

Fed.

Brussels

Ce.

Paris

Sec.

Zurich

Sec.

Paris

Sec.

Berlin

Ce.

Manchester

ORG’D

1904. .

1905. .

I9O5. .

, 9 ° 5 - •
1905. .

190^. .

1905. .

1906. .

1906.
1906. .

1906. .

1907. .

1907. ,

1907. .

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

.. ECONOMIC INTEREST M .^ GS 0 RG’N

I. Cg. of Public Accountants. 1

Gen. As. of Munie. Engineers, etc. . . 9 Ce.

Baltic & White Sea Cf. 7 Ce.

I. Cg. of Colonial Agronomy. 3 As.

I. Cg. of Aviculture. 5

I. Cg. of Agric. Mechanics. 1

I. Cg. of Chambers of Commerce ... 5 Ce.

I. Cg. of Chaffeurs. 2

I. Fed. of Book-binders. 4 Sec.

U. Al. of Diamond-cutters. 3 Sec.

I. Fed. of Porcelain-makers. 2 Sec.

I. Petroleum Cg. 5 Cn.

I. Cg. of Aerated Water. 1

I. Sugar & Distilling Cg. 2

I. Cement Cg.. 1

I. Cg. on Construe. & Pub. Wks. ... 2 Cn.

I. Cg. of Line-fishermen. 2

I. Cg. of Public Works. 1

I. Cg. of Town Clerks. 3

I. Cg. of Ceramic-workers. 1

1 . Ry. Time-table Cf. 4

1 . Cf. on Unif. Anal. Stock Foods ... 1

I. Cg. on Seed-testing. 2

I. Cg. of Postal Employees ..... 1

I. Saddlery As. 3 Sec.

I. Fed. Post., Tel. & Teleph. Wkrs . . 3 Sec.

I. Cg. of Builders,. 4

I. Press Museum. Cl.

I. Cg. of Silk Printers. 1

I. Cg. of Net-makers. 1

1 . Fed, of Hairdresssers. 2 Sec.

I. Cg. of Dry Farming. 8

I. World Cg. of Butchers. 1

I. Fed. of Carpenters. 1 Sec.

I. Fed. of Factory-workers. Sec.

1 . Fed. of Wkrs. in Pub. Ser. . . . , 3 Sec.

I. Fed. of Bakers. 2 Sec.

I. Cg. of Periodical Press. 3 Bu.

I. Fed. of Per. Expos. Corns. 3 Cl.

I. Fishery Cg. 1

I. Cotton Planters Cg. 1

I. Cg. of Ship-owners. 1

I. Cg. of Postal Clerks. 1

HEADQUARTERS

Paris

Stockolm

Brussels

Berlin

Antwerp

Charlot’b’g

Karlsruhe

Brussels

Berlin

Paris

Brussels

Berlin

Hamburg

Hanover

Berlin

Hamburg

Brussels

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’N

I. ECONOMIC INTEREST

1907.

1908.
1908.
1908.
1908.
1908.
1908.
1908.

1908.

1909.
1909.
1909.

1909.

1910.

I9IO.

191O.

I9IO.

1910.

I9IO.

1910.

1911.
I91I.
191 I.
191 I.
191 I.

1911.
191 I.
191 I.
191 I.

1912.
1912.
1912.

1912.

1913.
1913.
I 9 G.
1913.
1913.
1913.
1913.

1 . Cg. of Cotton Exchanges ....

I. Road Cg.

I. Cg. of Oil-culture.

I. Cf. of Navigation Cos.

I. Cf. of. Europe. Telep. & Tel. Adms.

I. Cg. on Refrigeration.

I. Un. of Hotel Employees ....
U. Fed. of Soc. of Hotel Men. . . .

I. Cg. of Ry. Engrs. & Firemen . .

I. Fed. of Moto-culture.

I. Agrogeological Cf..

I. Fed. of As’s of Linen Mfrs. . . .
I. Cost Cg. of Empl. Printers . . .
I. Cg. of Fire-arms Testing ....
I. Cg. of Drilling Engineers ....
I. Cg. of Breeding & Feeding . . ,

1 . Chrysanthemum Cg.

I. Rose Cg.

I. Cg. of Tropical Agronomy ....

I. Cg. of Agric. As’s.

I. Fed. of Merchant Tailors ....

I, Fishery Cf.

I. Cg. of Notaries. . ..

I. Drilling As.

I. Cg. of Farm Women.

I. Cg. of Indus. & Agric. Protec. As’s

Pan-Amer. Commercial Cf.

I. Fed. of Bank Employees ....

I. Rubber Cg.

I. Steel Cf.

I. Drug Cg.

I. Cg. of Chocolate Mfrs.

I. Cg. of Mfrs. of Paper Money. . .

I. As. of Linen Exporters.

I. Cg. of Fish Merchants, etc. . . .

I. Cg. of Cinematograph Co’s . . .

I. Fed. of Hardware Merchants . . .

I. Cg. on Fruit-tree Growing. . . .

I. Forestry Cg.

I. Cg. of Watchmakers.

I. Cg. of Consulting Engrs ....

I. Fed. of Carvers.

I. Cg. of Ins. Agents.

NO.

M’TINGS

2
2

4
1
1
1
1

2
1

PER.

ORG’N

Cn.

Ce.

Sec.

Ce.

Ce.
Cn..
Ce.

Bu.

Cn.

Bu.

As.

Sec.

Bu.

Sec.

HEADQUARTERS

Paris

Berlin

Cologne

Paris

Ghent

Liege

Paris

Brussels

Vienna

Brussels

Berlin

UNOFFICAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’D

I. ECONOMIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

I 9 r 3 -

I. Cynologic Fed.

1913.

I. Tax Cf.

1 9 1 3 -

. . .

I. As. for Preven. of Smoke.

II. RECREATIONAL INTEREST

1867.

I. Chess Cg.

1878.

I. Cg. of Alpine Clubs.

1889.

I. Cg. of Physical Exercise.

1892.

I. Skating Un.

Ce.

Stockholm

1892.

I. Fed. of Rowing As’s.

Turin

1894.

I. Olympic Ce.

Ce.

Paris

1896.

I. Velocipede Cg.

l-H

Bu. of Europ. Gymnas. Fed’s.

Cl.

Antwerp

l 897 -

I. League of Tourist As’s.

Ce.

Bern

1893.

1 . Fencing Cg. . ..

I9OO.

I. Cyclist Un.

Ce*

Paris

1900.

1 . Automobile Cg.

1903 .

I. Turners.

1904 .

I. Cf. of Automobile Clubs.

190^.

I. Cg. of Prestidigitation.

1906.

1 . Bull-fighting Cg.

r 907 .

I. Hunting Cg.

Cn.

I908.

I. Fed. of Foot-ball Ass’s.

I908.

I. Autonautic Fed.

1909 .

I. Cf. of Gun Clubs.

I9IO.

I. Gymnastic Cg..

I9IO.

1 . Skii Cg.

I9IO.

I. Cf. of Aero Clubs.

1912.

I. Cg. of Athletic Sports ......

1912.

I, Alpine & Skii Cg.

1912.

1 . Cg. of Swimming As’s.

1912.

I. Motorcycle Fed.

HI. ARTISTIC INTEREST

l86l.

1867.

I. Cg. of Architects.

Ce.

Paris

K-t

I. Cg. of History of Art.

t"-

!. Lit. & Artistic As.

3 i

Ce.

1889.

I. Cg. of Photography.

I. Cg. of Protec. for Works of Art. . .

cr-

• • ♦

I. Cg. of the Soc. of Writers.

1891.

, I. Photographic Un.

Cl.

Brussels

1891.

...

I. Cg. of Numismatics.

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC. — Continued.

ORG’D

III. ARTISTIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

1893. . . .

I. Cg. of Music.

1898. . . .

I. Cg. of Public. Art.

Brussels

1900. . . .

I. Cg. of Theatrical Art.

1904 . . . .

I. Cg. of Arts & Sciences.

I904. . . .

I. Fed. of Teaching of Desgin ....

Ce.

Fribourg

1904 . . . .

1 . Soc. of Music.

Cl.

London

1904 . . . .

I. Cg. of Religious Music.

1-904. . . .

I. Dance Cg.

1904 . • • •

I. Garden City Cg.

1905 . . . .

I. Cg. of Gregorian Chant.

190 ?. . . .

I. Cg. of Theatre & Dramat. Art . . .

I 907 . • • •

I. Fed. of Amat. Theat. Soc’s ....

Cl.

Cirey, s. V.

I 907 . • • •

I. Cg. for Man. of Mountains.

1908. . . .

I. Un. of Dancing Masters.

Ce.

Altenburg

I9O9. . . .

I. Cg. of Applied Photog.

1909 . • • •

I. Cg. for Protec. Landscape.

I9IO. . . .

I. Cg. of Art & History.

I9IO. . . .

I. Cg. of Cinematography.

I9IO. , . .

I. Towplanning Cg.

igII . . . .

I. City Planning Cf.

1911 . . . .

I. Municipal Cg.

1913. . . .

I. Cg. of Musical Pedagogy.

1913- • • •

I. Cg. of Cities.

Sec.

Brussels

Women’s 1 . Art Club.

London

I. Art Circle.

Paris

I. Water Color Soc.

Paris

Associazione Artistica Int.

Rome

I. Modern Kunstkring.

Amsterdam

)V. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

1 . Cg. of Economists.

I. Cg. for Unif. Obser’s at sea.

1853. . . .

I. Cg. of Statistics.

1856. . . .

I, Cg. for Customs’ Reform.

1857. • • •

I. Positivist Soc. (reorg. 1906) ....

Paris

1 . Cg. of Ophtalmology.

i j

Bu.

1862.

I. As. for Prog, of Soc. Sci’s.

1862. . . .

I. Geodetic As.

Bu.

Berlin

1863. . . .

I. Veterinarian Cg.

Cn.

Budapest

1864. . . .

I. Cg. of General Averages.

1865. . . .

I. Cg. of Pharmacy.

I. Cg. of. Astronomy.

Leipzig

1865. . . .

1 . Cg. of. Anth. & Prehist. Arch. . . .

•4

Cl.

Geneva

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’D

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

l 865 -

1 . Paleo-ethnolog. Cg.

Cn,

Hague

l 867 -

I. Medical Cg.

Cn,

Hague

1867-

I. Cg. of Archaeology.

l 87 I-

I. Geographical Cg.

l 87 I-

I. Meteorological Cf.

Ce.

l 873 -

I. Law As.

Cl.

London

r-n

!"■

Inst, of I. Law.

Ce.

Ghent

1873-

I. Cg. of Orientalists.

1873-

I. Meteorological Ce.

■» /A

I. Cg. of Americanists.

1876-

I. Cg. of Homeopathy.

Cl.

1876-

U. Scientific Alliance.

Ce.

Paris

t-'

I. Cg. of. Otology.

l''

I. Cg. of Archivists & Librarians . . .

Ce.

Brussels

1878-

I. Cg. of Bibliography.

1878-

I. Cg. of Mental Medicine.

1878-

I. Cg. of Demography.

1878.

I. Geological Cg.

Sec.

Stockholm

I. Cg. of Commercial Geog.

I. Cg. of Ethnography.

I. Cg. of Botany & Hrticul.

Ce.

Brussels

1878.

I. Cg. of Anthropology.

I. Cg. of Geom. Experts.

1878.

I. Cg. of Army Med. Service.

1879.

!. Polar Commission.

I. Cg. of Rhino-laryngology.

)

Ce.

Berlin

I. Cg. of Laryngology.

1880.

I. Geographical Inst.

Berne

1881.

I. Cg. or Shorthand Writers.

1881.

I. Electrical Cg.

I. Cf. on Electrical Units.

Ce.

I. Cg. of Criminal Anthropol.

rr\

I. Cg. of Tropical Medicine.

1884.

I. Cg. of Ornithology.

Ce.

~r\.

1 . Cg. of Neurology .

l88?.

I. Cg. of Commercial Law.

1885.

I. Inst, of Statistics.

Bu.

Hague

1 . Cg. of Testing Materials .

As.

Vienna

1886.

I. Cg. of Hydrology, etc.

Bu.

Paris

1886.

I. Phonetic As .

Cl.

Bourg la R.

1887.

Academia pro Interlingua .

Cl.

Turin

1887.

I. Shorthand Cg.

1 j

I-H

, a

I. Ce. on Photo. Celestial Map .

Ce.

Paris

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued .

ORG’D

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’D

HEADQUARTERS

1887.

l. Astrophotographic Cg.

I. Catholic Sci. Cg.

Ce.

Rome

1889.

I. Medico-legal Cg.

1889.

I. Aeronautical Cf.

1889.

I. Dental Fed.

1889.

I. Cg. of Dermatology.

1889-

I. Cg. of Therapeutics.

1889-

Interparliamentary Union.

Cl.

Brussels

1889-

I. Un. of Penal Law.

I T

Bu.

Berlin

1889-

I. Colonial Cg.

1889-

I. Emigration Cg.

1889-

I. Cg. of Physiology.

Ce. .

1889-

I. Cg. of Psychology.

Ce.

1889-

I. Cg. of Physiol. Psychology ....

1889-

I. Cg. of Flypnotism.

. Cg. of Zoology.

Paris

1889.

I. Folk-lore Cg.

1889-

I. Cg. of Accounting.

1889-

I. Cg. of Chronometry.

1889-

I. As. of Academies.

Ce.

Rome

1890

I. Book Cf.

1891-

I. Commission on Clouds.

Upsala

1892-

I. Cg. of Gynecology.

Ce.

Brussels

1892.

I. Cg. for Customs’ Legis., etc.

5 "

1893.

Pan-American Med. Cg.

1893.

I. Cg. of History.

1893.

I. Inst, of Sociology.

Bu.

Paris

1893.

I. Mathematical Cg.

Ce.

Geneva

1893.

I. Cg. of Pub. & Admin. Law ....

1893.

I. Cg. of Eclectic Medicine.

1893.

I. Cg. of Philology.

1894.

I. Cg. of Thalassotherapy ......

Cn.

Paris

1894.

I. Colonial Inst.

Bu.

Brussels

1894.

1 . Cg. of Applied Chemistry.

Cn.

1894.

I. Cg, on Atmosphere.

1895.

Concilium Bibliographicum.

Zurich

1895.

I. Cg. of Bibliog. & Documen.

Bu.

Brussels

1896.

I. Cn. on Radiation.

Zurich

1896.

I. Telegraphic Cn.

London

1896.

1 . Cn. on Sci. Aerostation.

Strasburg

1896.

I. Cn. on Terres. Magnetism.

Sec.

Potsdam

1896.

I. Cf. on Fixed Stars.

1897.

Catalogue of Sci. Literature.

London

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS,

ETC. —

Continued.

ORG’B

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

1897.

I. Cg. of Climatotherapy ....

1897.

. . .

I. Maritime Ce.

Bu.

Antwerp

1897.

1 . Cg. on Leprosy.

1897.

I. Cn. for Unif. Sugar Analysis . .

Vienna

1898.

I. Cg. for Preservation of MSS . .

Cn.

1898.

I. Cg. of Hist, of Diplomacy. . .

1898.

I. As. of Marey Institute ....

Bu.

Boulogne s. S.

1899.

I. Cg. of Electrobiology, etc. . . .

Cn.

1899.

As. of Anatomists.

Paris

1899.

I. As. of Exam. Phys. of Ins. Co’s

1899.

I. Council of Nurses.

London

1899.

1 . Cf. on Hybridization.

Ce.

Paris

1899.

I. As. for Explor. Cent. Asia. . .

Ce.

Petrograd

1899.

I. Pure Food Cg.

1900.

I. Cn. on Photometry .....

I9OO.

I. Cg. of Christian Archaeology . .

I900-

I. Cg. on Study of Basques . . .

1900.

1 . Cg. on Sci’s. of Writing . . .

1900.

I. Cg. of Physics.

1900.

I. Cg. of Philosophy.

Cn.

Heidelberg

I900-

I. Cg. of Compar. Hist.

I9OO.

I. Neo. Malthusian Bu.

Bu.

Hague

1900.

I. Cg. of Popular Credit.

1900.

I. Cg. of Colonial Sociology . . .

1900.

1 . Cg. of Transferable Securities. .

1900.

I. Cg. for Gold & Silver Stan . .

1900.

I. Cg. of the Medical Press . • .

•

As.

Paris

1900.

I. Cg. of Pharmacal Specialities . .

I9OO.

I. Cg. of Alcaloidotherapy....

1900.

I. Cg. of Applied Mechanics . . .

1901.

Latin-Amer. Medical Cg.

1901.

I. As. of Botanists.

Ce.

Harlem

1902.

I. Anti-tuberculosis As.

Ce.

Berlin

I9O3.

I. Inst, on Probs. Mid. Classes . .

Ce.

Brussels

I903.

I. Cg. of Historical Studies . . .

I9O3.

I. Solar Cn.

London

I904.

I. Un. for Solar Research ....

Ce.

Manchester

1904.

I. Cg. of Experim. Psychol . . .

I904.

I. As. of Mechanotherapeuts . . .

Bu.

Antwerp

1904.

I. Cg. of Army Surgeons ....

I904.

I. Cg. of Arts & Sciences. . . ,

I905.

. .

I. Inst, of Social Bibliog.

Ce.

Berlin

r 9 ° 5 -

I. Cg. for Reprod. of MSS. . . .

ORG'D

190 ?

I9°5

i 9 °5

1 9 °?

1905

i9°J

I 9 °?

i9°5

190J

I 9 °?

1905

i 9 °5

190?

i9°?

1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906
1906

1906

1907
1907
1907

i 9 °7

ig°7

1907

I 9°7

1907

1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908
1908

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

Surgical Soc.

I. Cg. on Ankylosis . . .

I. Economic Cf.

I. Soc. of Physical Medicine
I. Fed. Cg. of Anatomists.

I. Cg. of Physiotherapy .

I. As. of Lawyers . . .

I. Cg. on World Econ. Expansio
U. Cg. of Esperanto. . .

I. Fed. to Extend French Cul. & Lang
I. Cg. of Radiology . . .

I. Cg. Radiol. & Electricity

I. Glacial Cg.

I. Aeronautic Fed. . . .

I. Inst, on Mental Diseases, etc
I. As. for Study of Cancer
I. Cg. of Dietetic Hygiene.

I. Economic Un.

Esperantist Med. As. . .

I. Electrotechnical Cn. . .

I. Sci. Esperantist As. . .

I. As. of Esperan. Jurists .

I. Cg. of Photo Documen.

I. Philatelist Cg.

I. Polar Inst.

I. Cf. on Sleeping Sickness
I. Somatological As. . . .

I, As. of Medical Museums
I. Cg. of Soc. & Econ. Sci’s
I. Inst, of Esperanto. . .

I. Soc. of Esperan. Free Thinkers
I. Soc. of Roman Dialectology
I. Cg. of Stenography . . .

I. Cn. on (Meteor.) World System
I. Inst, of Tech. Bibliography
I. Soc. of Tropical Medicine .

I. Panceltic Cg.

I. Free Trade Cg.

I. Un. of Esperan. Vegetarians
I. As. of Esperan. Teachers .

U. Esperantist As.

I. Sci. Entente for Aux. Lang

Positivist Cg.

NO.

M’TINGS

2
2
I

2
4

1
6

PER.

ORG’N

Ce.

Cn.

Ce.

Bu.

Cn.

Bu.

Ce.

Cn.

Bu.

Ce.

HEADQUARTERS

Brussels

Paris

Brussels

Paris

Brussels

Paris

Zurich

Berlin

Aix-la-C.

London

Paris

Milan

Uccle

Antwerp

Montreal

Geneva

Sens

Brussels

Upsala

Berlin

Cambridge

Brussels

Hamburg

Lille

Geneva

Brussels

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. —

Continued.

ORG’D

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

I908.

•

I. Polar Cn. . ..

Bu.

Brussels

1908.

I. Cv. of Heraldry.

Paris

1908.

I. American Sci Cg.

1908.

I. Cg. of Applied Electricity ....

I908.

1 . Cg. of Catalan Hist.

1909.

i. Cg. on Epilepsy.

Ce.

Amsterdam

I9O9.

Brain Commission.

Berlin

IQOg.

1 . Inst, fot Diffus. of Soc. Exper . .

Ce.

Paris

I9O9.

1 . As. of Esperan. Bankers ....

Dresden

I9O9.

Un. for an I. Language.

Ce.

Soluthurn

[9O9.

I. Cg. of Ophthalmology.

I9IO.

I. Bu. for Educ. Documen ....

Ostende

I9IO.

Intermediare Sociologique.

Brussels

1910.

I. Pediatric As.

Ce.

Paris

I9IO.

I. Cg. of Urinology.

I9IO.

I. Pharmaceutical Fed.

Cn.

Hague

K)IO.

I. Juridical Ce. of Aviation ....

1910.

I. Juridical Cg. of Aviation ....

I9IO,

1 . Cg. of Experimen. Psychology . .

Paris

1910.

Central Meteoric Bu.

Ce.

Antwerp

1910.

I. Inst, of Ethnography.

Bu.

Paris

igiO.

I. Cg. of Entomologists.

Ce.

I9IO.

I. Cg. of Administrative Sci’s. . . .

Cn.

Brussels

1910.

Slav Cg.

I9IO.

Un. of I. As’s.

Brussels

191 I.

Medizin-Literarischen Zentralstelle . .

Berlin

1911.

1 . Cg. of Museum Directors ....

191 I.

Cg. I. des Sages Femmes.

191 I.

I. Cg. of Pathology.

19 I I.

I. Cg. on Aerial Law.

1911.

I. Lg. for Rights of Peoples ....

Cl.

Paris

1911.

Universal Races Cg.

1911.

I. As. of Compar. Polit. Econ . . .

Sec.

Berlin

1911.

U. Un. of Esperan. Litterateurs . . .

Dresden

1911.

I. Lg. of Esperan. Postal Empl’s . .

Breslau

1911.

I. As. for Creating an I. Lang . . .

Ce.

Berne

1911.

I. Monist. Cg.

1911.

1 . Soc. for Psychical Research . . .

Bu.

Paris

1911.

I. Cg. of Pedology.

Ce.

Brussels

1911.

I. Inst, of Embryology.

1911.

1 . Inst, of Plasmology.

Ce.

Brussels

1911.

I. Entomological As.

Ce.

Frankfort

1911.

» t

I. As. of Accounting.

Cl.

Brussels

ORG’D

1 9 1 r. .

1911. .

1912. ,

1912. .

1913. .

1876.

1878.

1880.

1886.

1887.

1888.

1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.

1899.

1900.
1900.
1900.
1900.
1900.
1900.

1900.

1901.
1903.

1903.

1904 .

1905.

1906.

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC. — Continued.

IV. SCIENTIFIC INTEREST

I. As. of Chemical Soc’s . . .

I. As. of Jurid. & Econom. Philos.
I. Cg. of Dermatology ....

I. Cg. of Compan Pathology. .

I, Orthopedic Cg.

Of. Central des Nationalites . .

I. Cg. of Neurology & Psychiatry
Esperan. Theosophical Lg. . .

I. Soc. of Friends of Esperan. .

I. Soc. of Esperan. Stenographers
I. Lg. of Esperan. Typographers.

I. As. of Esperan. Pharmacists .

I. As. of Esperan. Ry. Empl’s .

I. Un. of Esperan. Philatelists .

I. Soc. of the Apochrypha. . .

V. EDUCATIONAL INTEREST

I. Cg. of Education.

I. Cg. of Teachers of Blind . .
Free 1 . Cg. of Education . . .

I. Pedagogical Cg.

I. Cg. on Technical Ed. . . .

I. Cg. of School Gymnastics. .

I. Cg. of School Colonies . . .

I. Cg. of Primary Ed.

I. Cg. of Secondary Ed. . . .

I. Cg. of Higher & sec. Ed. . .

I. Cg. of Private Pop. Instruc. .

I. Cg. of Horticultural Ed. . .

I. Cg. of Agricul. Ed.

I. Cg. of Social Ed.

I. Cg. of Teaching of Social Sci’s.
I. Cg. of Educational Press . .
Per. I. Ce. on Physical Ed. . .

I. Cg. of Alumni of Commer. Scls
I. Cg. of Profs, of Living Langs
I. Soc. for Devel. Commer. Ed.

I. Soc. for Exch. of Chil. & Y. P.
I. Cg. on School Hygiene. . ,

I. As. for Comple. Med. Ed. . .

I. Cg. on Family Education . .

I. Bu. of Teachers’ Fed’s . . .

I. Cg. of Popular Ed. ... .

NO.

M’TINGS

PER,

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

Cl.

Gross-Bothen

Sec.

Paris

Antwerp

Sec.

Paris

Cl.

London

4
1 r

Ce.

Paris

Ce.

Sec.

Brussels

Cn.

Ce.

Bu.

Paris

Ce.

Trieste

Cl.

Paris

Ce.

Paris

Cn.

Brussels

Ce.

Bu.

Brussels

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’D

V. EDUCATIONAL INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

I908. . . .

Cg. of School Adminis.

Cf.

Fribourg

Moral Ed. Cg .

Cn.

London

Cn. on Math. Instruction .

Ce.

Geneva

1908. . . .

As. on Study of Quaternions ....

Cl.

Urbana

1909. . . .

Ce. for Comple. Med. Ed.

Ce.

Berlin

1910. . . .

Cath. & Pedagogical Fed.

1910. . . .

Cf. of Popular Universities ....

Sec.

Brussels

1910. . . .

Cg. of Higher Tech. Ed .

Sec.

Brussels

1910. . . .

As. of Med. Inspectors of Schools . .

Bu.

Paris

1911 . . . .

Inst, of Physical Ed .

Bu.

Brussels

1911. . . .

Cg. for Christian Ed .

VI. RELIGIOUS INTEREST

1846. . . .

Evangelical Alliance.

Ce.

London

18^0. . . .

World’s Missionary Cf.

Ce.

Edinburgh

185?. ■ • .

U. AI. of Chris. Young People ....

Ce.

Geneva

i860. . . .

Alliance Israelite U.

Ce.

Paris

1865. . . .

Salvation Army.

London

1872. . . .

I. Un. of Old Catholics.

Ce.

Bonn

187^. . . .

Pan Presbyterian Council.

187?. • • •

Theosophical Soc.

Cl.

Madras

1880. . . .

I. Cg. of Free Thinkers.

Cl.

Brussels

1881. . . .

Eucharistic Cg.

Ce.

Paris

1886. . . .

World’s Sunday School As.

J Ce.

Chicago

1889. . . .

I. Cg. of Spiritism.

Bu.

Liege

1892. . . .

Ecumenical Methodist Cf.

1893. . . .

World’s Parliament of Rel’s.

1895. . . .

U. Fed. of Christian Student.

Ce.

New York

1895. . . .

World Wide Christian Endeavor . . .

Trus.

Boston

1896. . . .

I. Un. of Ethical Soc’s.

Ce.

London

1897. . . .

I. Zionist Orgn.

Ce.

Berlin

1897. . . .

I. Cg. of Religious Sci’s.

World’s Young Worn. Chris. As’s . . .

Ce.

London

1899. . . .

Congregational World’s Cl.

1900. . . .

I. Rg. of Catholic Students .....

1900. . . .

I. Cl. of Unitarians, etc.

Ce.

Boston

1900. . . .

1 . Cg. of the Hist, of Rel.

Cn.

Leyden

1902. . . .

I. Cg. of Mary.

1904. . . .

Fed. Europ. Soc’ of Theos. Soc. . . .

Cl.

1905. . . .

Baptist World Alliance.

Ce.

London

1908. . . .

I. Or. for Eth. & Moral Culture. . . .

Bu.

Zurich

1908. . . .

Indep. Theosophical Lg.

Cl.

Benares

ORG’D

I9IO. .

1910. .

1911. .

1839.

1843.

1846.

1852.

1856.

i860.

1863,.

1864.

1867.

1875.

1876.
1876.

1876.

1877.

1878.
1878.
1878.
1880.
1883.
1883.
1885.

1887.

1888.

1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.
1889.

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. - Continued.

VI. RELIGIOUS INTEREST

Swedenborg Cg.

Esperantist Cath. Un.

I. Mission Study Cl.

Christian Science.

Gen. Ecumen. Cf. Luth. Ch.

I. Catholic Institute.

VII. SOCIAL INTEREST

Anti-Slav. & Abor. Protec. Soc..

U. Peace Cg.

I. Prison Cg.

Indep. Or. of Good Templars. .

I. Cg. of Charities.

I. Cg. of Soc’s for Protec. Animals
I. Ce. of the Red Cross . . .

I. Workingmen’s As.

I. Lg, of Peace and Liberty . .

Scottish Rite Masons. . • .

1 . Fed. for Abol. Reg. Prostitution
I. Cg. of Hygiene & Demography
1 . Fed. of Cremation Soc’s . .

I. Cg. on Sunday Observance .

I. Un. of Friends of Young Girl
I. Fed. of the Blue Cross. . .

1 . Cg. on Ed. of the Blind . .

I. Cg. on Ed. of Deaf-mutes. .

I. Cg. of Provident Institutions .

I. Anti-vaccination Cg.

World’s Chris. Temp. Un. . .

I. Cg. for Wei. & Protec. of Chil
I. Cg. on Alcoholism ....

I. Or. King’s Daughters & Sons.

I. Council of Women ....

I. Jurid. Cg. of Coop. Soc’s . .

I. Housing Cg.

I. Soc. for Study of Ques. Charity
I. Cg. of Pub. & Private Charity

I. Lifesaving Cg.

1 . Cg. on Indus. Acc’s & Soc. Ins.

I. Cg. of Women’s Work . . .

I. Socialist Labor Cg.

1 . Cg. of Popular Clubs . . . .

I. Cg. of Labor Contract . . . .

NO.

MTINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

Ce.

London

Brussels

Ce.

Amsterdam

Cl.

Rome

Ce.

London

Bu.

Berne

Glasgow

Ce.

Geneva

Ce.

Berne

Cn.

Geneva

Cn.

Bu.

Brussels

Ce.

Geneva

Bu.

Neuchatel

Ce.

Geneva

Ce.

Evaston

Bu.

Brussels

Ce.

Berlin

Ce.

Brussels

Bu.

Paris

Ce.

Paris

Ce.

Paris

Bu.

Brussels

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, etc. — Continued.

ORG’D

VII. SOCIAL INTEREST

NO.

ACTINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

O'
CO
CO
)—1

Cg. on Price of Food.

Cg. of Aid in Time of War ....

1889-

Cg. of Agric. & Soc. Reform ....

1890-

Un. I Des Patronages.

Cn.

Brussels

1891-

Cg. of Firemen.

Cl.

Amsterdam

1892-

Co-operative Alliance.

Ce.

London

1893.

I. Cg. vs. Immoral Lit.

Bu.

Geneva

1893.

Temperance Cg.

1894-

Masonic Cg.

Bu.

-r\

International^ Concordia.

Ce.

Paris

r 895 -

Cg. of Aid to Injured Cyclists . . .

1895-

Cg. of Hygiene on Ry’s., etc. • . .

l 895 -

Nobel F6undation.

Stockholm

1896-

Women’s U. Al. for Peace by Ed. . . .

Paris

l 897 -

Round About Club.

London

1897.

Cath. As. for Protec. of Girls. . . .

Ce.

Fribourg

1897-

Cg. for Prog, in Mine Manag. . . .

T 897 -

As. for Labor Legislation.

Bu.

Basle

Corda Fratres.

Ce.

Ithaca

Kosmos.

Amsterdam

1898-

Cg. of Lifesaving at Sea.

1899-

Soc. for San. & Moral Prophyl. . . .

Ce.

Brussels

1900-

Cg. of Cond. & Rights of Women. .

1900-

Vegetarian Cg.

Un.

Brussels

1900-

Profit-sharing Cg.

Fed.

1900-

Cg. Coop. Soc’s of Consumption . .

1900-

Cg. of Aid to Working Girls ....

1900-

Cg. of Aid to Discharged Pris . . .

1900.

Cg. Coop. Soc’s of Production . . .

1900-

Anti-tobacco Cg.

1900-

Cg. of Secur. vs. Ac’s by Steam . .

1901.

As. for Rep. White Slavery ....

Bu.

London

1901.

Cf. of Syndicalists.

Sec.

Berlin

1902.

Woman Suffrage Al.

Ce.

Rotterdam

1902-

Cg. on Care of Insane.

1902-

Museum of Peace & War.

Lucerne

1902.

Anti-vivisection Cg.

Cl.

Washington

1903.

Fire Prevention Cg.

’ 2

1903.

Institute of Peace.

Monaco

1903.

Cg. I. des Oeuvres du Coin de terre. .

Brussels

1904.

Un. of Abstin. Ry. Empl’s.

Sec.

Utrecht

1904.

Cg. for Sanitary Dwellings ....

Cn.

Paris

1904.

Med. As. for Suppres. of War . . .

Paris

ORG’D

I904. .

1904. .
igO?. .
igO^. .
190?. .

1905. .

I90J. •

igO^. .

1906. .

I906. .

1906.

1907.

I907. .

1907. .

I907. .

1907. .

1908. .

1908. ,

I908. .

1908.
1908. .

1908. .

1909.

I9O9.

I909. .

1909. .

1910. .

I9IO. .

I9IO.

I9IO.
I9IO. .
I9IO.
igiO. .
I9IO.
igiO.

1910.

1911. .

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS, ETC. — Continued.

VII. SOCIAL INTEREST

NO.

M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

I. Cg. for Reg. of Jewish Emig. . . .

Carnegie Institute.

Washington

International Conciliation.

Paris

I. Esperan. Peace Soc.

Neuilly s. S

Indep. Or. of Good Templars.

Berne

I. Cf. on the Blind.

I. Med. Cg. on Indus. Accidents. . . .

I. As. for Race Hygiene.

Ce.

Munich

I. Lg. vs. Abuse of Alcohol.

Berlin

1. Cn. to Study Occupat. Diseases. . .

Cl.

Milan

I. Anti-Masonic Cg.

Mezzofantibund.

Ce.

Wiesbaden

I Confed. of Agric. Coop. Soc’s. . . .

Ce.

As. of Cosmopolitan Clubs.

Milwaukee

I, Temperance Bu.

Cn.

Lausanne

I. Un. for Protec. of Children ....

Bu.

Brussels

U. White Cross Soc.

Ce.

Geneva

I. Cf. of Socialist Women.

I. Cf. of Socialist Journalists.

I. Anarchist Cg.

Lg. of American Students.

Bu.

I. Cg. vs. Duelling..

Cl.

Budapest

Welt-vereingung Kosmopolit.

I. Cg. vs. Indecent Pictures .....

Leipzig

1. Child Welfare Cg.

Perm. I. Ce. on Social Ins.

Ce.

Paris

I. Food Cg. (White Cross Soc.)....

Geneva

I. Cg. of Consumers’ Leagues ....

Sec.

Fribourg

I. Cath. Lg. vs. Alcohol.

Bu.

Maestricht

Soc. I. des Intellectuels . ....

Catane

I. Prohibitionist Fed.

Ce.

London

I. V. fur Wirtschaftphilosophie ....

Ce.

Berlin

Gen. Sec. of Abstinent Socialists . . .

Sec.

Berlin

Pro Gentilezza.

Bu.

Rome

I. Humane Cf. ..

World Fed. of Pacifist Y. P.

Milan

I. Cg. of Mining Prop., Hyg., etc. . . .

Ce.

Paris

I. Cg. vs. Street Noises.

I. Homework Cg.

Bu.

Brussels

I. As. on Unemployment.

Ce.

Paris

Carnegie Endowment for I. Peace . . .

Washington

World’s Peace Foundation.

Boston

I. Pacifist Catholic Lg.

Brussels

UNOFFICIAL CONGRESSES, ASSOCIATIONS,

ETC. —

Continued.

ORG’D

VII. SOCIAL INTEREST

NO.

' M’TINGS

PER.

ORG’N

HEADQUARTERS

191 I. . . .

Die Brucke .

Munich

I9II. . . .

1 . Al. of Men for Worn. Suffrage .

Sec.

Utrecht

I9II. . . .

I. Fed. Protec. Native Races vs. Al.

Ce.

19II. . . .

I. Cg. of Cent. Amer. Students. .

igil. . . .

I. Juvenile Courts Cg.

Sec.

Paris

1911. . . .

I. Soc. for Protec. Sponge Fisher .

Ce.

Canea

1911. . . .

I. As. for Destruction of Rats . .

Ce.

Copenhagen

1911. . . .

I. As. for Protec. Motherhood . .

Ce.

Berlin

1911. . . .

U. Cf. of Mussulmans.

1912. . . .

Av. for I. Interchange of Students.

London

1912. . . .

I. Feminist Cg. of Brussels . . .

1912. . . .

I. Cg. on the Negro.

1912. . . .

I. Tech. Cg. for Preven. Indus. Ac.

1912. . . .

I. Eugenics Cg.

1912. . . .

1. Cf. on Public Baths.

1913. . . .

Cg. I. “ Pour Mieux se connaitre „

1913. . . .

I. Cg. vs. Adulteration, etc. . . .

I. Cg. of the Deaf & Dumb . . .

I. Purity Cg.

I. Theosophical Peace Cg. . . .

I. Bu. of Abstinent Students . . .

Sec.

Zurich

U. As. of Esperan. Good Templars

Worms

I. Un. of Abstaining Teachers . .

London

I. Fed. of Abstinent Physicians . .

Sec.

Carlsbad

I. Ce. of Abstinent Priests . . .

Sec.

Cologne

Die Weltwarte.

Leipzig •

Internacia Ligo.

Ce.

Zurich

Welt Verein.

Munich

■

■ .. a ' -a. - *'■ ■ . -'

■ - • ; - ■/; ; . ■: ' ■ • ■■

.. . -

■

:iV . : i-

K 1

’ f v >-. ch • . si - a

....

TABLE I.

CONFERENCES OF GENERAL INTEREST, SHOWING THE
DEGREE TO WHICH EACH HAS RECEIVED THE ADHERENCE OF THE NATIONS

I. — Administration.

1. Sanitation.

I. Sanitary Cf. .

2. Standardization.

Wts. and Meas.

I. Monetary Cf.

World’s Map
Causes of Death . .

I. Pharmacopoeic

3. Explor’n and Mens.

I. Geodetic As .

I. Seismological Cf. .

I. Hydrographic Cl. .

4. Conservation.

Labor Legislation

5. Communication.

Postal Union .

U. Tele. Union .

Protec. Sub-Mar. Cab.
Radiotel. Union
I. Maritime Cf. .

6. Commerce and Industry.

Pub. of Customs Tariffs
Commer. Statis
Instit. of Agric.

Exch. of Off. Pubs. .

7. Police Regulation.

Slave Traffic

Reg. of Alco. in Africa

Repres. Obscene Lit.

I. Opium Cf. .

Suppres. White Slav.

II. — Legislation.

Peace Cf. .

Naval Cf..

I. Patent Law .

I. Copyright Law
Private I. Law .
Maritime Law .

Seale 1 1 1 1 1 ~i ! ; 1 1

50 % 100 0 0

(Reproduced from. “ The Rise of Internationalism „ by fohn Culbert Paries, A. M.).

TABLE II.

SHOWING DEGREE OF COOPERATION OF EACH NATION
IN THE THIRTY GROUPS OF CONFERENCES LISTED IN TABLE I

Holland
Germany .
France
Belgium .

Spain
Italy
Russia
Sweden
Denmark .
Great Britain
Portugal
Norway .
Austria-Hungary
United States
Switzerland
Japan
Mexico
Brazil
Rumania
Chili.

Argentina
Greece
Uruguay
Bulgaria
China
Servia
Luxemburg
Persia
T urkey
Peru.

Venezuela
Colombia
Guatemala
Nicaragua
Siam
Bolivia
San Salvador
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Cuba

Montenegro
Domingo
Haiti.

Paraguay
Honduras
Monaco
Panama
Liberia
Abyssinia
San Marino

Scale ! i i i i t j i i !

50 0 0 7 ( 9 < 9 0

(Reproduced from “ The Rise of Internationalism ,, by John Culbert Paries, A. M,).

i *

CHART I.

SHOWING THE GROWTH OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES AND CONGRESSES YEAR BY YEAR.

THE HIGH POINTS OF THE CURVE WILL BE SEEN TO OCCUR IN THE YEARS OF GREAT WORLD’S FAIRS VIZ;
PARIS, 1867; PHILADELPHIA, 1876; PARIS, 1878; PARIS, 1879; CHICAGO, 1893; BRUSSELS, 1897;

PARIS, 1905; ST. LOUIS, 1904; LIEGE 1905; BRUSSELS, 1910.

(Reproduced from ‘‘ The Rise of Internationalism „ by John Culvert Furies, A, M).

CHART II.

SHOWING GROWTH OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES AND CONGRESSES

BY DECADES, 1844-1913.

FIGURES TAKEN FROM ANNUAIRE DE LA VIE INTERNATIONALE 1910-11.

non-ts

(Reproduced, from “ The Rise of Internationalism „ by John Culbert Paries, A. M.)

GREAT BRITAIN EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES 1904 - 13 .

POUNDS.

Activity

1903-4

1904-5

1905-6

1906-7

1907-8

1908-9

1909-10

1910-11

1911-12

1912-13

Agricultural Institute, Interna¬
tional .......

960

1.260

Arbitration, International
Court of - at the Hague .

300

200

Atlantic Fisheries Arbitration.

, •

•

. .

5.000

, t

Brussels and Zanzibar, Inter¬
national Maritime Slave
Trade Bureaux at . . .

400

Brussels, Rome and Turin
Exhibitions.

, ,

60.000

40.000

Brussels Sugar Convention,
Permanent Bureau . . .

. ,

750

350

450

Claims Conference at Wash¬
ington .

2.500

3.000

250

170

275

Eastern Affairs, International
Conference on.

5.000

Electrical Units and Standards,
International Conference on

250

Fisheries Investigation, Inter¬
national North Sea . . .

13.500

14.000

15.000

13.000

12.500

13.000

15.365

14.6

14,486

Geodetic Association, Inter¬
national .

300

4 i 7

300

419

300

630

300

Greek Finance, International
Commission for the con¬
trol of .

v rs

1.000

400

Industrial Property, Interna¬
tional Bureau at Berne for
the Protection of . . .

150

Macedonia, International Com¬
mission for control of fi¬
nances of.

1.300

1.900

Metric Bureau, International.

260

350

250

350

340

Navigation Congresses, Inter¬
national Association of. .

100

xoo

Opium Commission, Interna¬
tional at Shanghai . . .

2.000

Peace Conference at the Ha¬
gue .

2.500

Pelagic Sealing Conference
at Washington ....

2.500

Public Health, International
Bureau of .

, ,

, f

, ,

. .

625

Railway Congress, Interna¬
tional .

St. Louis Exposition . . .

30.000

■ 70.000

. .

•

• •

- •

• •

Seismic Association, Interna¬
tional .

. t

. ,

250

210

370

Tariffs Bureau, International.

189

Venezuelan Arbitration at the
Hague .

6.000

. ,

, .

.* *

. .

Vienna and Buenos Aires
Exhibitions.

14.250

DEPENSES INTERNATIONALES DE LA REPUBLIQUE FRANCAISE 1903-1913 Inc.

FRHN0S.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

Le Bureau international pour la
publicatio n des tarifs doua-
niers .

6.900

Conference internationale des
administrations techniques
des telegraphes et des te¬
lephones .

80.000

Association nationale pour la
protection legale des travail-
leurs et office international
du travail.

12.000

14.000

20.000

L’Association internationale
des congrSs de la route et
office national du tourisme.

15.000

45.000

Le Congrfes international de la
tuberculose.

100.000

L’Exposition internationale de
Turin.

1.170.000

20.000

L’Exposition internationale de
sports et de chasse de Vienne

170.000

Participation de la France a
des depenses internationales

, ,

4 (

12.000

21.000

35.706

43.625

La protection des oeuvres lit-
teraires et artistiques . .

4.850

6.696

Le Congr&s international de
physiotherapie de Paris en
1910.

40.000

Le Bureau et la commission
internationale des poids et
mesures.

11.000

10.500

10,500

10.500

L’ Exposition internationale de
Saint Louis.

L’Exposition internationale de
Rome.

L’Exposition internationale de
Rome et Turin . . , .

L’lnstitut international de sta-
tistique.

L’Exposition internationale
d’hygi£ne a Dresde. . .

Congr£s de l’institut royal an¬
glais d’hygi^ne publique .

L’Exposition internationale de
Milan.

L’Exposition de Marseilles .

L’Exposition internationale de
Lidge.

564.000

370.000

12.500

182.000

352.800 100.000

. . 50.000

30.000

340.000

Subvention a l’office de legi¬
slation etrangere et de droit
international. . . . .

L’ Association internationale
permanente des congr£s de
Navigation. . . . .

L’Exposition universelle et in¬
ternationale de Bruxelles . . . . .

L’Exposition de Buenos Aires . . . .

L’Office central des transports
internationaux et de Con-
gr£s international des Che-
mins de fer. 22.000 22.000

24.500

5.000 5-ooo 5.000 5-ooo 5-ooo 5.000 5.000

• • • • • • 952.000 . . . .

• • • • • • 750.000 . . . .

24.000 24.000 24.000 24.000 21.000 21.000

21.000

1913

6.900

25.000

45.000

8.000

49.085

4.850

10.500

15.000

5.000

21.000

(Suite) LES DEPENSES INTERNATIONALES DE LA REPUBLIQUE FRANCAISE 1903-1913 inc.

FRHN6S.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

Le Congr£s international des
Chemins de fer de Wa¬
shington .

35.000

Les Echanges internationaux.

164.000

Expositions a Paris et dans les
departements.

12 500

12.500

17.500

L’ Exposition universelle de
Gand.

L’lnstitut international d’Agri-
culture.

29.400

La cour d’Arbitrage de la
Haye.

20.000

Comite permanent internatio¬
nal des Assurances sociales
et comite permanent des
congr£s internationaux des
habitations a bon marche .

L’lnstitut international a Ber¬
ne pour la protection de la
propriety industrielle. . .

3.700

Le Congres international de
la traite des Blanches . .

25.000

L’Exposition maritime de Bor-

deaux

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

164.000

173.000

180.000

17.500

29.400

43.500

43-500

43.500

20.000

LAi

3.700

10.000

318.850 387.556 2.758.375 2.077.421 467.921

1913

180.000

17.500
1.239.606

43.500
130.770

8.000

3.700

1.813.406

Total annuel

808.950 561.950 705.350

319.850

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES.

Activity

Agriculture, International In¬
stitute of Agriculture at

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

Rome.

Alcoholism, International Con-

* *

i ’

“ *

4.660

3.000

8.195

10.000

3.094

13.576

gress on, at the Hague

Alaska - Yukon - Pacific Ex¬
position Exhibits Bureau of

4.200

300

American Republics. . .

Arbitration, Permanent Court

* ’

* *

• ■*

2.000

979

* “

of.

Buenos Aires and Santiago,

682

378

697

294

611

613

639

730

International Exposition at

Buenos Aires, 4th Internation¬
al Conference of Ameri-

27.791

24.812

5.711

can States at.

Collisions and Salvage, Inter-

* '

•

30.500

77.928

• -

national Congress on . .

Customs Tariffs, International

673

1.313

• 4

t *

Bureau for Publication of.

Exchange, International Con-

• *

2.637

1.318

1.321

1.331

1.339

I- 33 I

1.324

1.326

1.325

ference Uniform letters of.

Exploration of the Sea, Per¬
manent International Coun-

1.000

800

7.699

2.500

2.000

cil for.

Fishery Congress, Internation-

•

7.014

al in Washington, D. C. .

Geodetic Association, Interna¬
tional measurement of

2.400

* “

Earth.

Geneva Convention Interna¬
tional Conference for Revi-

1.409

1.428

1-433

1.442

1.443

1.446

1.442

1.444

1.438

sion of.

Hague, International Peace

11.000

2.325

■

Conference at.

Health, International Office

■

•

46.700

3.300

4 4

• 4

• •

- •

• •

of Public.

Hygiene and Demography,

• *

• 4

3.000

6.031

• •

6.031

International Congress of .

• •

■ •

• •

• ■

5.000

3.000

6.500

11.500

26.511

International Law Digest of.

International Law Digest of -
Payment to John Bassett

■

2.500

600

•

* 4 '

4 *

• ■

Moore.

Interparliamentary Union for
Protection of International

8.000

4 *

•

Arbitration.

Industrial Property, Interna¬
tional Union for the Protec¬
tion of - at Washington,

2.500

D. C.

Liege, Belgium International

•

4 *

4 4

15.000

171

* ■

Exposition.

Maritime Exposition, Interna-

* *

5.000

f •

•

* 4 1

• •

•

• •

tional at Bordeaux, France

■ •

.. .

5.000

10.000

• ■

. ,

Maritime Law.

Opium Evil, International In-

• •

4.800

400

• •

vestigation of the . . .

• •

19.500

407

7.023

17.588

128

Paris, International Exposition
at.

H. A Hall for services . .

7.426

1.583

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES.

(Coni-) DEPARTMENT OF STATE UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

Prisons Commission, Interna¬
tiona! .

1.854

2.094

1.942

2.055

1.802

2.161

1.895

1.985

1.583

Prison Congress International
at Washington ....

« y.

. .

3.500

16.499

Prize Court Conference At
London, International . .

, »

4 ^

10.000

Quito, Ecuador Exposition .

• •

• ■

22.670

20.909

Radiotelegraphic Conference,
Internationa!.

•

. .

. t

, ,

4.716

Railway Congress Internation¬
al ........

800

400

800

Red Cross, International Con¬
ference of the. - London
1907 . . . .

3.000

Red Cross, International Con¬
ference of the - Washing¬
ton 1912.

20.000

Relationships between gold
Standard and Silver using
countries.

30.000

Rio de Janeiro, 3rd Confer¬
ence of American States.

49.730

, ,

562

, ,

Rome and Turin, International
Exposition at.

, ,

l* -4

25.000

55.189

33.150

Slave Trade, Repression of
African.

IOO

*15

IOO

131

Sanitary Bureau, Internation¬
al .

500

1.011

2-445

230

3.433

2.170

4-555

1.256

2.757

Santiago Chile, Scientific Con¬
ference at.

, *

1.000

30.000

3.876

Seismological Association, In¬
ternational .

+ ,

r.151

1.222

894

1.536

767

Tokyo 1912, International
Exposition at.

, t

, ,

. .

5-000

14.878

, ,

Tuberculosis, International
Congress at Washington,

D. C.

16.388

10.900

Union of American Republics,
International.

35.060

45.465

38.553

238.320

34-317

53.679

57.500

■ 4 -

76.OOO

74-957

75.042

Weights and Measures, Inter¬
national Bureau ....

• -

2.203

4.482

2.291

• •

2.306

5.790

• •

2.895

INTERIOR

DEPARTMENT UNITED

STATES

RECEIPTS

AND EXPENDITURES.

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Expo¬
sition : Alaskan Exhibit Ha¬
waiian .

91.676

32.263

International Protection of In¬
dustrial Property - Patent
Office.

I.388

706

685

676

1-355

1.304

International Association for
the Protection of Industrial
Property.

3*9

, ,

Lewis and Clark Centennial
Exposition: Alaskan Exhibit

a ,

4.819

14.713

. k

■ TE *

Louisiana Purchase Exposi¬
tion: Alaskan Exhibit In¬
dian Territory Testing fuel
Exhibiting Model of the
Capitol at Indian Exhibit.

119.135

158.727

158.012

250.449

253.019

249.426

101.104

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES.

NAVY DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS.

Activity

1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

Jamestown Exposition: Exhi¬
bition of Monitors . . .

9.900 . . . . . . . . . . . .

Entertainment of Foreign Na¬
val Representatives . , .

. . . . . . 2.679 50.332 . . . . . . . . . .

DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS.

Louisiana Purchase Exposi¬
tion: Testing timbers . .

3.000 7.000 . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . ,

International Dry Land Con¬
gress at Lethbridge, Can¬
ada .

. . . . . . . . - . . . . . , . . 8.000

Commission to investigate Ru¬
ral Credit in Europe .

. . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . , . 25.000

International Dry Land Con¬
gress Tulsa, Okla . . .

2.500

LEGISLATIVE UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS.

International Irrigation Con¬
gress Salt Lake City, Utah.

. - - • • . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.000

Jamestown Exposition: Expen¬
ses Senate Committee . .

• • • • - . 2.000 . , . . . . . . . . . .

House Committee ....

■ • • • ■ • 4.000 . . . . . . . . . . . .

Lewis and Clark Centennial
Exposition: Opening of -
Senate. Expenses....

• • 4.000 . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . .

House Committee ....

. . 6.000 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Louisiana Purchase Exposi¬
tion : Opening of - Expen¬
ses Senate Committee . .

2.242 . . . . . . . . . . . , ,

House Committee ....

3-500

Centennial of the Republic of
Mexico Expenses of Com¬
mission .

- • i- ■ • • . . . . . . . . 10.000 . . . .

Commission to Investigate the
purchase of American grown
tobacco by Foreign Govern¬
ments .

. . . . 4.213

WAR DEPARTMENT UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS.

Aaska-Yukon-Pacific Expo¬
sition Philippine Exhibit .

Navigation Permanent Inter¬
national Commission of
Congresses of.

• - • • • • • ■ • 12.025 3.842 139 . . . .

983 I.I 97 2.928 1.900 3.116 2.981 2.080 3.000 3.000 3.000

Entertainment of foreign mi¬
litary Representatives at
Jamestown Exposition . .

20 - 4 1 7 4-334 - - • • . . . . . .

U. S. and foreign troops ex¬
penses at Jamestown Espo-
sition.

• • • - - • 2.000 5.000 . . . .

Meeting of Permanent Interna¬
tional Association of Navi¬
gation Congresses in U. S.

• • • • - - - - - - • • • . 4.500 44.668 . .

International Rifle Competi¬
tion ........

• ' • ‘ • ■ • - • - - - - - - • . . 5.000

Waterways Commission, In¬
ternational .

19-234 18.345 18.919 20.520 19.602 20.024 15.091

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES.

INDEPENDENT BUREAUS AND OFFICES UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

Smithsonian Institution: In¬
ternational exchanges . .

, ,

31.876

31.982

31.000

32.125

32.380

International Catalogue of
Scientific Literature. . .

• •

■ •

• •

5.017

6.000

7.400

7.095

7.874

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Expo¬
sition, Seattle Govt’Exhibit
Buildings.

TREASURY UNITED STATES RECEIPTS AND

DISBURSEMENTS

320.286 127.388

3.877

666

Albuquerque, International Ir¬
rigation Congress at - N.
Mexico.

30.000

Arbitration, Interparliamentary
Union for Promotion of In¬
ternational .

35-953

4.187

2.281

Jamestown Exposition: Gov’t
Exhibit Buildings Aid to -
Aid to Negro development
and Exposition Company
for exhibit.

1.733.295

161.372

48.847

100

Lewis and Clark Centennial
Exposition Portland, Ore¬
gon Gov’t Exhibit Build¬
ings .

298.323

106.516

3-583

303

Louisiana Purchase Exposi¬
tion, St. Louis Aid to
Aid to Buildings. . .

4.986.9x2

59.191

8.209

363

Louisiana Purchase Exposition
Gov’t Exhibit Agri. Exhibit
Life-Saving Exhibit Trans¬
portation of Exhibit acquir¬
ed of - Claude Hough
for services.

496.354

286.215

15.910

1.476

234

Pan-American Exposition on
the Niagara Frontier . .

454

355

Smithsonian Institution: Inter¬
national Exchanges Inter¬
national Catalogue of Scien¬
tific Literature ....

24.574

27.516

30.587

32.508

36.582

South Carolina Exposition Co.,
Reimbursement to Gov’t
Exhibit.

253

South Carolina, International
State and West Indian
Exposition Co., Payment
of Legal Claims vs. . . 5.318

LES DISPENSES INTERNATIONALES DU ROYAUME BELGE

FRANCS.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

Le Bureau international de la
cour permanente d’arbitrage

4.000

4.000.—

4.000

1.992.53

4.000

L’exposition internationale^di
Amsterdam 1907. . . .

, ,

. .

55.000.—

. .

•

L’Office internationale de bi-
bliographie.

25.000

25,000

25 000

25.000.—

35.000

25.090

30.000.—

30.000

L’Exposition universelle et in¬
ternationale de Bruxelles
i 9 io.

400.000.—

Le Bureau international de
Berne .......

5-750

5.750.—

5-750

5 - 75 °

6.082.29

5-750

Les Conferences internationa-
les et la commission inter¬
nationale du Congres des
cheminS de fer . . . .

14.000

14.000.—

14.000

10.485.10

14.000

L’lnstitut Colonial internatio-
nal ..

10.000

10.000.—

10.000

10.000.—

10.000

Les Echanges internationaux
(Agriculture).

20.000

20.000.—

20.000

20.000.—

20.000

Les Echanges litteraires inter¬
nationaux .

15.300

16.500

17.801.38

20.000

22.500

23.635.28

25.000

29.500

Le Conseil international pour
l’exploration de la mer.

18.000

17.999.69

18.000

18.000.—

18.000

Office international d’hygiene
publique ......

. ,

.. V*

9 - 375 --

Le Bureau special d’echange
et de renseignements sur la
traite des esclaves . . .

700

700. —

700

432-53

700

Les Subsides a des Expositions
ou Sections depositions in-
teressant le Ministre de 1’ln-
dustrie et du Travail . .

20.000

20.000. —

20.000

20.000.—

20.000

La Participation a la police
internationale des pech cries
dans la mer du Nord . .

99-735

99 . 735 .-

99-73 5

99-735

95.036.23

99-735

Le Bureau international des
poids et mesures. . . .

20.000

2.000

2.000.—

2.000

1.367.—

2.000

L’Exposition d’Horticulture de
Gand.

50.000. —

Le Bureau international pour
la protection de la propriete
industrielle.

2.500

2.5OO.—

2.500

2.100.—

2.500

L’Union international pour la
protection des oeuvres litte¬
raires et artistiques . . .

2.400

2.400.—

2.400

1.918.24

2.400

L’Exposition universelle de
Liege.

x.346.550

L’Exposition universelle de
Saint Louis en 1904 . .

700.000

La Commission penitentiaire
internationale.

9.000

9.000.—

L’Exposition universelle de
Saint Petersbourg . . .

92.209

50.000

Bureau central des recherches
Seismologiques a Strasbourg

r.ooo

1.000

1.000.—

1.000

990.20

1.000

Le Bureau permanent et de la
Commission internationale
des sucres.

3.500

3 . 500 .—

3.500

3.500.-

3.500

L’Exposition universelle et in¬
ternationale de Bruxelles .

30.000.—

(Com.) LES DEPENSES INTERNATIONALES DU ROYAUME BELGE

FRHN0S.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

L’Union international pour la
publication des tarifs doua-
niers .

6.833

6.833.—

6.833

7.516

L’lnstitut international pour
l’etude du probl£me des
classes moyennes . . .

2.000

2.000.—

2.000

L’Association internationale
pour la protection legale des
travailleurs.

2.000

1.000.—

1.000

L’Exposition internationale de
la ville de Venise un pa¬
vilion .

25.000

L’Exposition generate des
beaux-arts.

140.000

100.000

100.000.—

100.000

L’Exposition regionale et in-
ternationale d’horticulture a

Manur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15,000.—

L’Institut international d’agri-

culture. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.999.96

L’Exposition de Charleroi en
1911.• . . 1

L’Exposition de Turin en 1911 l „

f ( • ' ' ' ‘ ‘ ' ' ' • • 244.114.89

L’Exposition de Bordeaux de \

1907 . I

Les Participations dans les
frais de bureaux internatio-

naux des colonies ... . • • . • . • • • . . . . 2.123.18

Les Expositions pedagogiques

en Belgique et a i’etranger. . . • . - . . . 4 - 3 °° • •

Tremblements de terre en I-

talie. . . . . . . . . . . 200.000

Exposition internationale de

Gand en 1913 ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350.000

Activity

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10

1910-11

1911-12

1912-13

Spese per la parte del Mini¬
stero del Tesoro all’Esposi-
zione di Torino nel 1911 .

Lire.

MINISTERO DEL TESORO.

5.405

Spese occorrente per la parte¬
cipazione dell’ Amministra-
zione dalle privative all’E-
sposizione internazionale di
Buenos Aires.

. . . . . . . . . . . . 50.000

Spese pel concorso della Di-
rezione generale di sanita
pubblica ali’Esposizione in-
ternazionale di Bruxelles del
1910.

MINISTERO DELLE FINANZE.

. . . . . . . . . . . . 20.000

Utile derivante dalle coniazioni
di spezzati d’argento di cui
alia convenzione monetaria
internazionale 4 Novembre
1908, tra gli Stati della
Unione Latina.

1.800.762

Partecipazione del Ministero
delle Finanze all’Esposizione
di Torino nel 1911 . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . 205.000

58.778

Partecipazione dell’ Ammini-
strazione delle privative al-
1 ’ Esposizione internazionale
di Buenos Aires....

appropriated

. . . . . . . . . . . . 50.000

appropriated

50.000

appropriated

50.000

MINISTERO DI GRAZIA E G 1 USTIZIA E DEI CULT 1 .

Contribute) dello Stato nella
spesa pel Congresso di di-
ritto marittimo Internazionale
in Venezia ne! Settembre

l 9°7 . • . . . . . . . 5.000

MINISTERO DEGL 1 AFFARI ESTERI.

Rimpatri e sussidi a nazio-
nali indigenti e spese even¬
tual all’estero.

Partecipazione del Ministero
degli affari ;esteri all’ Espo-
sizione di Torino nel 1911

L’ ufficio internazionale d’ igie-
ne pubblica avente sede a
Parigi 1907.

Bandiere, stemmi, sigilli e mo-
bili per uso esclusivo di ar-
chivio all’estero . . .

Missioni politiche e commer-
ciale incarichi speciali, con-
gressi e conferenze interna-
zionali.

Spese eventuale all’estero. .

Ufficio internazionale per la
tutela della proprieta intel-
Iettuale ed industriale in
Berna.

200.282 297.178

7.254 52.000 9.395

137.449 382.602 145.483

100.000 32.984

2.578 15.625

202.830 . . 463.723

2.500

22.000

3.000

(Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

Activity 1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10 1910-11 1911-12

Lire.

(Cont.) MINISTERO DEGL 1 AFFARI ESTERI

La pubblicazione del XVII vo¬
lume della raccolta dei trat-
tati e convenzioni interna-
zionali.

Interpariamentare Congresso
per la pace da tenersi in
Roma nel 1911 . . . .

Spese per missioni all’estero e
Congressi..

Congresso internazionale della
pace in occasione delle feste
commemorative dell’unifica-
zione del Regno ....

Spese per 1’ istituto internazio¬
nale di agricoltura in Roma

2.000

150.000

• • - . . . . . . . 65.000

• - 20.000 37-472 57-424 32.000 32.000

MINISTERO DELL’ISTRUZIONE PUBBLICA.

Spese alle scuole normali di gin-
nastica di Roma e Torino per
partecipazioni alia mostra in-
ternazionale di Bruxelles . . . . .

Esposizione internazionale di

Bruxelles. . . .

Ufficio internazionale dei pesi

e misure in Parigi ... . . . .

Rimborso al comitato del con-
corso ginnastico internazio¬
nale di Torino per sussidi
ai componenti le squadre
delle scuole medie gover-
native che parteciparono al
concorso scolastico di edu-
cazione fisica, nel 19 n . . . .

Olimpiade internazionale di

Londra. . . . .

Eccedenza d’ impegni verifica-
tesi al capitolo concorso
nelle spese per le Esposi-
zioni estere e nazionali del-
lo stato di previsione della

spesa per l’esercizio. . . . . 231

Spese da sostenersi dall’acca-
demia dei Lincei in occa¬
sione dell’adunanza generale
delbassociazione internazio¬
nale delle accademie scien-
tifiche che si tenne in Roma
nel 1910. . . . .

La pubblicazione degli atti del
XII Congresso degli Orien-
talisti. • . . -

Residue all’ Esposizione inter¬
nazionale di Parigi nel 1900 345

Esposizione internazionale di

St. Louis. 145.411

Quota parte a carico dello Stato
italiano delle spese relative
all’ ufficio centrale istituto in
Berna. Convenzione inter¬
nazionale pel trasporto delle

merci in strada ferrata. . . . 10.000

21.742

21.327

12.000

25.000

i'iiiih ■

5.000

2.500

1912-13

910

5.000

(Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

Activity

1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10 1910-11 1911-12

tire.

(Cont.) M 1 NISTERO DELL’ ISTRUZIONE PUBBLICA.

Comitato internazionale per
la pubblicazione annuale di
costanti e di dati numerici
di chimica, di fisica e di
tecnologia.

Commissione internazionale
per 1’ insegnamento mate-
matico.

Stampa dei bollettini delle
opere moderne italiane e
straniere.

Congresso internazionale di
Psicoiogia in Roma . . .

Congresso internazionale di na-
vigazione da tenersi in Mi¬
lano nel 1905.

Congresso internazionale di
Storia dell’arte in Roma .

Esposizione internazionale d’ar-
te da tenersi nel la citta di
Venezia nel 1912 . . .

Congresso internazionale di
patologia in Torino . . .

Congresso internazionale di
educazione fisica in Parigi.

Ufficio regionale italiano per
la compilazione del catalogo
internazionale di letteratura
scientifica.

Unificazione del Regno . .

Mantenimento degli uffici di
segreteria della commissione
permanente dell’associazione
geodetica internazionale in
Berlino.

Partecipazione del Ministero
della pubblica istruzione alia
mostra internazionale di i-
giene sociale in Roma nel
1911.

Congresso internazionale di
chimica applicata da tenersi
in Roma nel 1906 . . .

Congresso internazionale di
ginnastica in Torino. . .

Esposizione internazionale di
arte moderna nella citta di
Venezia.

Congresso internazionale di
filosofia in Bologna nel 1911

Spesa per il rinnovamento del
materiale artistico e degli
altri oggetti distrutti % dal-
1’ incendio della mostra di
architettura nell’ Esposizio¬
ne internazionale di Milano

Acquisto di opere d’arte al-
l’Esposizione internazionale
di belle arti del 19 n in
Roma.

4.000

100.000

8.380 26.701 12.261

80.000

50.000

5.000

8.500

5.064 25000 21.894

. . 210.000

32.500 31444

30.000

26.500 26.500

appropriated

50.000 50.000 50.000 . .

• • • . 15.000 15.000

5.420 556

1912-13

20.000

12.068

15.000

70.000

12.600

26.009

3.908

100.000

3.400

( Cont.)

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

Activity

1903-4

1904-5 1905-6

1906-7 1907-8

1908-9 1909-10

1910-11

Lire.

(Cont.) MINISTERO

DELL’ ISTRUZIONE

PUBBLICA.

Esposizione internazionale di
arte da tenersi nelia citta
di Venezia nel 1910 . .

. . 20.000

20.000

Esposizione internazionale di
Bruxelles.

. .

. . 21.742

Espedizioni e missioni diverse
ordinate dal Ministero . .

-v •

60.105 . .

Congresso di patologia. . .

- ■

- . ,

. . 8.500

8.500

Congresso internazionale di
scienze storiche ....

appropriated

6.000

12.000 6.000

Acquisto di azioni di societa
promotrici di belle arti e
concorso alle Esposizioni ar-
tistiche estere e internazio¬
nale .

3.000

Congresso archeologico inter¬
nazionale in Roma nel 1911

. . 20.000

11.622

Riparazioni straordinarie al fab-
bricato demaniale ove ha
sede il regio istituto inter¬
nazionale Vittorio Emanuele
in Napoli ......

. . 12.000

Congresso delle societa per l’in-
coraggiamento delle scienze
da tenersi in Firenze nel
1908. .

3.000

ministero delle poste e telegrafi.

Partecipazione all’ Esposizione
di Torino nel 1911 . .

i .

• • f *

appropriated

298.000

, ,

Decima conferenza telegrafica
internazionale di Lisbon .

, .

■ »

■ • 3-675

Rimborsi dovuti per il cambio
con l’estero delle corrispon-
denze .

21.614

Congresso della Unione po¬
stale universale da tenersi
in Roma nel 1906 . . .

. . 10.000

appropriat cd

75.051

Uffici internazionali a Berna .

. . . .

• -

10.000 . .

Partecipazioni del Ministero al-
1 ’ Esposizione internazionale
di Milano nel 1906. . .

. . 320.448

appropriated

21.016 3.189

appropriated

3.189

Rimborso da parce deile So¬
ciety ferroviarie interessate
per le spese relative all’uf-
ficio centrale istituito in

Berna. . . 6.109

Spese per la partecipazione al-
l’Esposizione di Torino nel

igir. . . . .

Concorso deil’amministrazione
nella spesa degli uffici in-
ternazionali a Berna. . . . . . .

70.000 196

1912-13

7-759

10.000

1.200

(Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

Activity

1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10 1910-11 1911-12

Lire. ♦

(Coni.) MINISTERO DE! LAVORI PUBBLICI.

Concorso dello Stato a favore
del Comitato permanente
del congresso internazionale
ferroviario residente in Bru¬
xelles . . . . . i.ooo . . 997 . . . . . . 1.003

Partecipazione del Ministero
dei lavori pubblici all’Espo-

sizione di Torino nel 1911. . . . . . . . , . . . 70.000 . .

Congresso internazionale di

patologia in Torino nel 1911. . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.500

MINISTERO DELL' INTERNO.

Congresso internazionale con¬
tra la tubercolosi da tenersi
in Roma nel 1911 . . .

Congresso medico internazio¬
nale per gli infortuni sul
lavoro.,.

Congresso internazionale di as-
sistenza pubblica e privata
da tenersi in Milano nel
1906.

Espedizioni e missioni diverse
all’interno eall’estero nell'in-
teresse del Ministero- e rap-
presentanze a congressi e
ad Esposizioni.

Concorso nelle spese dei con¬
gressi di beneficenza in Co¬
penhagen, di scienze ammi-
nistrazione in Bruxelles, pe-
nitenziarie in Washington per
la disoccupazione a Parigi
e di scienze archivistiche in
Brux-elles.

Contributi a commissioni ed
uffici internazionali istituti
in dipendenza di speciali
convenzioni.

Esposizione internazionale di
igiene a Dresda nel 1911.

Esposizione internazionale di
igiene sociale in Roma nel
1911.

Congresso internazionale del-
1’ associazione di stampa in-
detto a Roma nel 1911

Spese per il concorso della
Direzione di sanita pubblica
all’Esposizione internaziona¬
le di Bruxelles nel 1910 .

Commissioni internazionali di
penitenziaria.

Spese per il concorso della
Direzione generale per la
sanita pubblica all’Esposi¬
zione internazionale di Mi¬
lano nel 1906.

25.000

1.000

150.OUO

15.000

22.200

30.000

150.000

38.000

35-564

1912-13

4.500

100.000

appropriated

50.000

1.239

83.85I

7.626

( Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITHLY.

Activity 1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10 1910-11 1911-12 1912-13

M 1 NISTERO DELLA GUERRA.

Spese per la partecipazione del
Ministero della guerra al-
1 ’Esposizione di Torino nel

I 9 11 . • • • • • • • . . . . . 70.000 44.656

MINISTERO DELLA MARINA.

Spese'per la partecipazione del
Ministero della marina ai-
l’Esposizione di Torino nel

I9 11 . • - - • • • • • . . . . 70.000

MINISTERO DELL’AGRICOLTURA, INDUSTRIA E COMMERCIO.

Spese di qualslasi genere re¬
lative al mantenimento al-
l’assistenza in Italia della
commissione degli Stati Uni-
ti di America incaricata di
studiare il sistema coopera¬
tive di credito rurale in Eu-
ropa.

22.195

Esposizione anglo industriale
in Cuneo.

Esposizione agraria di Padova.

Delegati della conferenza per
P istituto agrario internazio-
nale nel 1905.

Congresso internazionale del-
l’assicurazione sociale . .

Ufficio internazionale sismolo-

6.000

1.000

12.978

20.000

gico a Strasburgo . .

• •

• -

■ •

. . . .

60.752

72.529

■ •

• •

Espedizioni e missioni diverse
all’interno e all’estero nell’in-
teresse del Ministero e rap-
presentanze a Congressi e
ad Esposizioni.

3.992

10.230

30.500

25.600 2.000

358.181

37.500

Ufficio internazionale dei pesi
e delle misure in Parigi .

, ,

31.791

36.401

, .

, . 22.895

9.892

, ,

6.179

Societa di esplorazioni geogra-
fiche e commerciali. . .

• *

, k

. . 146.809

, ,

'• ■

* ,

•

Istituto internazionale di so-
ciologia.

a ,

• ■ , ,

3-000

. »

Residue dell’ Italia all’ Esposi¬
zione universale internazio¬
nale di Parigi del 1900 .

n 1

14.693

Esposizione di orticoltura da
tenersi in Firenze nel 1911.

. .

f .

10.000

. .

Esposizione internazionale del-
le ferrovie e dei trasporti
terrestri e quella di agri-
coltura e d’ igiene e di belle
arti in Buenos Aires nel
1910.

225.OOO

222.724

Prima Esposizione internazio¬
nale di luccio in Vienna .

74.247

30.381

254

Bureau international di Berna.

•

1.385

►

. . 12.552

4.629

5.500

- *

7.012

Esposizione internazionale di
Bruxelles nel 1910 . . .

. 150.000

50.000

200.000

. .

i t

Esposizione di Torino nel 1910.

* .

, .

, . , .

165.OOO

57-523

55.130

* •

(Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

ITALY.

Activity 1903-4 1904-5 1905-6 1906-7 1907-8 1908-9 1909-10 1910-11 1911-12 1912-13

fc* ire*

(Cont.) MINISTERQ DELL’AGRICOLTURA, INDUSTRIA E COMMERCIO.

Sussidi e spese per Esposi-
zioni all’interno ed estero
ed acquisto di medaglie . 6.350 11.694

Convenzioni italo-francese re¬
lative alia reciproca prote-
zione degli operai ... . . . .

Congresso internazionale di
demografia rurale in Bru¬
xelles nel 1910 .... . . . .

Esposizione internationale di
St. Louis. 65.710 9.755.397

Borse di perfezione aumento
tecnico all’interno ed al-
l’estero a favore di giovani
licenziati dalle scuole indu¬
strial! e dalla Regia scuola
di setificio in Como asse-
gni per il perfezionamento
all’estero nella chimica in¬
dustrial .

15-000 . . . . 10.438 . . . . 4.176

98.839 76.216 15.000

8.357 559 1.083

69.109 11.688

11.900

Activity

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

GERMANY.

1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910

REFERENCES:

Ubersicht der Reichs-Ausgaben
und Einnahmen 1904-5-6-7-8.

Haushaltsetat des Deutschen
Reichs 1905-9-10-11-12-13.

1911 1912 1913

Erweiterungsbau der Ausstel-
lungshalle der standi gen
Ausstellung fiir Arbeitswohl-
fahrt.

. . 42.139

tvl ark

S .

Beitragfiir die Union interpar-
lementaire pour l’arbitrage
international.

5.000 5.000

5.000

Unterstiitzung fur die Betei-
lung der deutschen Kunst
an internationalen Ausstel¬
lung des Auslandes. . .

20.000

20.000 . .

10.000

20.000

20.000 20.000

20.000

Behilfe fur die international
Vereinigung fur gesetzlichen
Arbeitersschiitz zur Unter-
haltung des internationalen
Arbeitsamt.

6.000

6.000 8.000

8.000

8.000 8.000

8.000

Dispositions fonds zur gevvah-
rung von Zuschussen
zwecks Ausiibung ausserge-
wohnlicher internationaler
Representation.

6.504

. . 9.078

8.000

Zur unterhaltung der Standi-
gen Ausstellung fur Arbei-
terwohlfahrt.

. . 35-642

55-344

46.076

Beteitigung des Reichs an der
internationalen Bibliogra-
phie der Naturwissenschaf-
ten.

32.141

30.000 38.226

36.894

39.300

35.000

35.000 40.000

40.000

Beitrag fur die d u r c h d e n
Briisseler Vertrag fiber dU
Behandlung des Zuckers
eingesetzte stiindige Kom-
mission zur fibervvachung
der Ausfiihrung der Ver-
tragsbestimmungen . . .

2.835

2.835 2 -835

2.835

2.835 2.835

2.835

Beitrag zu den Kosten der
Unterhaltung der botani-
schen Zentralstelle in Ber¬
lin ....... .

ro.ooo

10,000

10.000

10.000 20.000

20.000

Kosten der Beteiligung des
Reichs an der Weltsausstel-
lung in Brussel 1910 . .

400.000

575.021

Kosten aus Anbarz der Vor-
bereitung zur Teilnahme an
der fiir 1910 geplanten
Weltsausstellung in Brussel,

24.978

Fiir Beniitzung fremder Be-
triebsmittel.

. . 2.133.172

Und fiir Dienstleistungen
fremder Beamten. . . .

. . 4.825.061

. .

Beitrag des Reichs zu den
Kosten der Konferenz der
« Union Interparlementaire »
in Berlin.

124.793

Beitrag zu den Kosten des
internationalen Kongresses
fiir historische Wissenschaf-
ten zu Berlin im Jahre 1908

20.000

Beitrag zu den Kosten des 5
internationalen Kongresses
fur Versicherungswissens-
chaft und des 4 internatio¬
nalen Kongresses fiir Ver-
sicherungsmedizin zu Berlin
im Jahre 1906 ....

. . 10.000

('Coni.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

GERMHJIY.

Activity

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

1913

Zuschutz an die deutsche Ko-
lonialgesellschaft zu den
Unterhaltungskosten der
Auskunftstelle fur auswan-
derer. .......

30.000

TVX ark

13 .

Beitrag des Reichs zur Unter-
haltung des in Bern erri-
chteten internationalen Bu¬
reaus des Verbandes zum
Schiitze des gewerblichen
Eigentums.

2.946

3.000

2.838

2.947

2.748

3.000

Zur Leistung des Beitrags zur
unterhaltung des in Bern
errichteten internationalen
Bureaus zum Schiitze von
Werken der Literatur und
Kunst fur das Deutsche
Reich.

3-855

4.400

3-353

3455

4400

4.000

4.400

4.000

4.400

4.000

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
der internationalen Erdmes-
sung.

6.000

Jahresbeitrag zu den Unter¬
haltungskosten der Kaiser-
lichen Zentralstation fur
Erdbebenforschungen Stras-
sburg.

18.000

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
des Zentralamts fur den in¬
ternationalen Eisenbahn-
transport.

20.295

24.000

23.000

23.125

21.251

25.600

23.000

231660

23.000

Beitrag zu den durch die 111
internationale Konferenz in
Bern fur die Tecbnische
Einheit im Eisenbahnwesen
und den zollsicheren Vers-
chluss der Eisenbahnwagen
entstandenen Kosten . .

6.394

Beitrag an den Verein zur
Erhaltung des Kunst histo-
rischen Instituts in Florenz.

10.000

15.000

20.000

Beitrag des Reichs zu den
Kosten des internationalen
Schiedsgerichtsbureaus im
Haag.

9.000

r.625

86.419

1.229

4.000

4-ooo

4.000

6.600

Kosten aus Anlass der zweiten
Friedenskonferenz im Haag.

171.857

Beitrag zu den Kosten des
XVI Internationalen Kon-
gresses fur Hygiene und De-
mographie.

65.000

5.000

Beitrag zu Veroffentlichung
der Ergebursse der von der
internationalen Kommission
fur wissenschaftliche Lufts-
chiffahrt ailmonatlich ve-
ranstalten Ballonfahrten

6.000

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
der internationalen Organ¬
ization fur Luftschiffahrt .

4.000

Fur Zwecke des Internatio¬
nalen landwirtschaftlichen
Instituts in Rome . . .

44 - 5 B 5

60.135

75.000

Beihilfen an Offiziere bei Be-
teiligung an auslandischen
Preisreiten.

12.500

(Cont.) EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES

GERMANY.

Activity

Geschaftsunkosten des deuts-
chen Mitglieds des interna-
tionalen Komitees fur Mass

1904

1905

1906

1907

1908

1VI ark

1909

S .

1910

1011

1912

1013

und gewichtswesen. . .

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
des internationalen Mass
und Gewichtsbureaus in

868

1.500

947

2.309

963

1.500

1.599

1.500

Paris.

Beteiligung des Reichs an der
internationalen Ausstellung
zu Deier der Eroffnung des
Simplontunnels in Mailand

10.276

9.900

9.988

10.009

9.480

9.900

(1906).

Die dritte internationale Ma-
thematische Kongresse in

157.708

63.668

10.400

* '

Heidelberg 1904 ....

Internationale Erforschung der
nordischen Mare im Inte-

5.000

* *

• ■

•

resse der Seefischerei . .

Beitrage zur Unterhaltung der
internationalen Post und

55.000

120.000

145.012

114.996

134.409

120.000

100.000

Telegraphenbtireaus . . .

Die Weltausstellung in Paris

11.200

im Jahre 1900 ....

Die internationalen Kunst-

398

155

• •

.■ .

• •

ausstellung in Rom 1911 .

Beitrag zu den Kosten des
Kongresses der Internatio¬
nalen Vereinigung fiir ge-
werblichen Reichsschtitz in

80.000

200.000

Berlin.

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
einer standigen Kommission
zur Vorbereitung internazio-

5.000

nalen Schiffahrtskongresse.

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
der internationalen seismo-

4.000

logischen assoziation . .

Beitrag an das Internationale
Institut ftir Sozialbibliogra-

3.200

phie .... ...

Die Weltausstellung in St.

’ '

15.000

Louis 1904.

Kosten durch die Mitbeteili-
gung des Reichs an einer in
St. Petersburg stattfinden-
den internationalen Kunst-

1.562.237

4 .

249.279

ix.325

gewerblichen Ausstellung .

Beitrag zu den Kosten der
Beteiligung der Deutschen
Industrie an der Internatio¬
nalen Industrie und Ge-

30.000

werbeausstellung in Turin.

Beitrag des Reichs zu den
Kosten der Zentralsteile fur

* *

9 *

* f

* ■

* *

120.000

Volkswohlfahrt ....

Jahresbeitrag zu den Kosten
des internationalen Bureaus
fur die veroffentlichung der

10.000

12.500

Zolltarife in Brussel. , .

5-555

5-535

5-549

5-553

5.546

5-555

6.110

Table 4.

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS.

UNITED STATES.

Exhibition

Expenditure

Exhibition

Expenditure

(In dollars)

London, 1851 .

25.301.05

Atlanta, 1895 .

199.971.42

London, 1862.....

2.000.-

Nashville, 1897

129.947.42

Paris, 1867 .....

188.158.54

Brussels, 1897.

5.000.—

Vienna, 1873.

l63.842.6l

Bergen, 1868 .

20000.—

Philadelphia, 1876 .

794 . 319.65

Omaha 1898 .

235.037.87

Paris, 1877.

X87.46O.67

Philadelphia, 1899 .

350,000.—

Sydney and Melbourne, 1879-1880.

28.000.-

Paris, 1900

1.455.436.90

Berlin, 1880.

19 . 904.05

Charleston, 1902

, 249.948.63

London, 1883 .

69.994.3 r

Buffalo, 1901 .

1.014.053.13

Cincinnati, 1884 ....

9.999.50

St. Louis, 1904

6.443.903.25

Louisville, 1884

9.704.44

Liege, 1903 .

5.000.—

New Orleans, 1884

1.649.755.35

Lewis and Clark, 1905 .

428.026.33

Brussels, 1888. ....

17.113.30

Bordeaux, 1907

15.000.—

Melbourne, 1888 ....

40.581.14

Jamestown, 1907 .

1 2.142.730.37

Cincinnati, 1888 ....

147.750.—

Quitp-Ecuador, I909

43.590.04

Barcelona, 1888

27.098.91

Alaska-Yukon-Pacific, 19Q9

595.205.32

Paris, 1889 .....

250.004.66

Buenos Aires and Santiago,

1910

59.314.92

Madrid, 1892 .....

24.243.97

Rome and Turin, 1911 .

113.340.25

Chicago, 1893.

4.793.870.33

Tokio, 1912 (not held) .

19.878.46

F R H N © E .

(In francs)

London, 1851 .

667.608.56

Industrial Exposition, 1891

55.000.—

London, 1862 .....

1.063,374.—

Chicago, 1893

3.589.514.83

London, 1871 .....

402.628.87

Lyons, 1894 .

368.501.11

London, 1872. ....

249.978.27

Antwerp, 1894

, 27.358.82

Lyons, 1872.

200.000.—

Bordeaux, 1895

148.637.49

Vienna, 1873.

962.444.—

Rouen, 1896 ,

47.300.25

London, 1874. ....

194-074-87

Brussels, 1898.

448.894.98

Philadelphia, 1876 ....

552.957.73

St. Petersburg, 1900

34.909.30

Sydney, 1879.

233.850.81

St. Louis, 1904

t.504.952.86

Melbourne, 1880 : . . .

410.244.40

Liege, 1905 .

531.059.53

Munich-Vienna, 1883 . . ,

13.998.52

Milan, 1906 .

2 370.000.—

Amsterdam, 1883 .

578.136.81

Bordeaux, 1907

2 10.000.—

Nice 1885.

2 50.000.—

Brussels, 1907.

2 952.000.—

Antwerp, 1885

784.156.—

Buenos Aires .

2 750.000.—

International Expositions, 1888.

186.850.31

Rome and Turin, 1911 .

2 1.700.800.—

Vienna, 1892.

12.688.50

Ghent, 1913 .

2 1.239.606.—

1 Includes additional amount loaned but not returned.

Congressional Record — Senate, February 6, 1908. Figures furnished by Treasury Department to Senator Burkett of Nebraska.

2 Estimated.

Bulletin des Lois. 1853-1912 —■ Lois relatifs aux reglements definitifs du budget des exercises, 1850 - 1906 .

(Cont.) Table 4.

EXPENDITURES FOR INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS.

Exhibition

New York, 1853
Paris, 1855 :

Paris, 1867 ....

Vienna, 1873 ....
Paris (Maritime), 1875
Philadelphia, 1876 .

Paris, 1878 ....

Sydney and Melbourne, 1879-1880
Antwerp, 1885
New Orleans, 1885.

Adelaide, 1887
Barcelona. 1888

GREAT BRITAIN.

Expenditure

(In pounds)

2.432

41.253

120.556

30.352

1.973

40.462

73,712

9.203

198

200

3.864

Exhibition

Melbourne, 1888
Jamaica, 1891.

Chicago, 1893.

Tasmania, 1894-1895
Antwerp, 1894
Brussels, 1897
Paris, 1900
St. Louis, 1904
Milan, 1906 .

New Zealand, 1906-1907
Brussels, Rome and Turin
V ienna and Buenos Aires

Expenditure

(In pounds)

6.557
1.000
61.464
2.000
388

4.753

97.033
128.000
5.300
8.000
1 100.00

14.250

1 Approximately.

Report of the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the Participation of Great Britain in Great Inter¬
national Exhibitions, Parliamentary Papers, 1907 — Cd. 3772.

DONATIONS

DATE

WHERE HELD

INDIVIDUALS

SOUVENIR

COINS

(GOVERNMENT)

PREMIUMS

COINS

TOTAL

1851. . .

London . .

330.656.61

‘ •

• •

33O.656.6l

1867. . .

Paris. . . .

• •

- •

• •

1889. . .

Paris. . . .

• •

1893. • •

Chicago . .

• •

I.929.I2O

5 I 7 . 560.43

2.446.680.43

1900. . .

Paris. . . .

0) 651.439.10

* •

• ■

65i.439.IO

1904. . .

St. Louis . .

25O.OOO

53 - 437-94

303.437.94

(!) Donations from individuals for construction purposes.

DATE

1851.

1867.

1889.

1893.

1900.

1904 -

date

1851.

1867.

1889.

1893.

1900.

1904.

APPROPRIATIONS

BOND ISSUES

WHERE HELD

CITY

NATIONAL

GOVERNMENT

TOTAL

CITY

EXPOSITION

COMPANY

London. . .

- -

Paris. . .

I.158.OOO

i. 15 8,000

2.316.OOO

• •

Paris. . . .

I.544.9OO

3.281.000

4.825.OOO

- •

Chicago. . .

• •-

5.000.000

4.444.500

Paris. . . .

3.860.000

7.720,000

• •

St. Louis . .

4.750.000

5.000.000

WHERE

HELD

FROM NAT-'L
GOVERN’T

LOANS

PRIVATE

TOTAL

SEASON TICKET
AND

ADMISSIONS

PAID AT GATE

COUPONS

London .

267.850

328 . 793.42

1 . 735 - 074-73

Paris. . .

• •

A 180.464.65

I.897.261.3I

Paris. . .

. ..

• •

- •

13.624.64

0 4-151-999-96

Chicago. .

• •

• ■

10.650.374.22

Paris. . .

• -

7.005.90

( 2 ) 13.212.248.04

St. Louis .

4.600.000

4*.

5.O38.OOO

295.022.—

5.998.667.95

f 1 ) Coupon Bonds were sold for admission tickets - not actually “ Paid at Gate „.

( 2 ) Same as (2) AStho’ this amount includes interest on funds received from the sale of coupon bonds.

DATE

WHERE HELD

CONCESSIONS

INTEREST

SALVAGE

MISCELLANEOUS

1851. . .

London .

42.369.-

4.372.60

1 . 350.40

22.788.53

1867. . .

Paris. . . .

249.276.41

7O.408.58

207.524.28

146.628.17

1889. . .

Paris. . . .

418.825.25

• -

198.909.15

42.058.25

1893. . .

Chicago. . .

3.894.457.10

76.332.62

238.810.88

85i.i25.O4

1900. . .

Paris. . . .

1.834.485.82

745-582.17

208.645.49

1904. . .

St. Louis . .

3.098.030.94

292.085.7i

617.299.59

I.842.931.46

Table 5.

SUBSCRIPTIONS

CAPITAL STOCK

5.617.154.33

4.924.313.II

TOTAL

9444.500

5 - 000.000

TOTAL

2.063,868.15

2,077.725.96

4.165.624.60

IO.650.374.22

I3.2i9.253.94

6.293.689.95

GRAND TOTAL
RECEIPTS

2.733.255.29

5.067.563.40

9.650.417.25

33.2i9.434.62

24.379.406.52

32.i59.788.7O

(Contj Table 5.

DISBURSEMENTS.

DATE

WHERE HELD

ADMINISTRATIVE

MAINTENANCE

AND OPERATING

EXPENSES

CONSTRUCTION

COSTS

RENT OF
GROUNDS AND
BUILDINGS

*-<

TTN

t-i

•

. . London.

598.7i2.06

327-893.94

. .

1867.

•

. . Paris.

1.135.158.76

3.388.916.17

. -

1889.

•

. . Paris.

( 1 ) 2.I7O.799.O7

5.682.818.73

» .

1893.

•

. . Chicago ....

8,613.247.83

l8.678.467.6l

• •

1900.

•

. . Paris . ,

5.859.560.17

17. i5i.OOI.3O

• •

1904.

•

. . St. Louis ....

8.469.059.99

( a ) i7.224.380.9O

I.287.660.7O

This amount includes $ 211 . 997.90 expended for-the

re-purchase of materials.

(*>

This amount includes § 476 . 565.05 paid out for the permanent “Jefferson Memorial

l» •

DATE

WHERE HELD

CITY

REPAYMENTS

GOVERNMENT CAPITAL STOCK

AND DIVIDENDS

SUBSCRIBER’S

(STOCK)

GUARANTORS

BOND

CITY

ISSUES

COMPANY

1851. .

. London. . .

•

. . . »

- -

•

• •

1867. .

Paris. . . .

177.946

I 77-946 - -

l68.9OO.84

•

• •

1889. .

Paris. ...(’)

I.544.OOO

• • • •

• •

•

• •

1893. .

Chicago. . .

* •

. , 548.985

• •

50.000

4 . 444-500

1900. .

. Paris. . . .

• •

• • • -

• •

•

■

• •

1904. .

St. Louis . .

• •

• ■ • •

• •

This amount was paid to the

City for the purpose of creating a new parade ground for the garrison of Paris.

REPAYMENTS AND DIVIDENDS

DATE

WHERE

HELD

LOANS

GOVERNMENT

PRIVATE

TOTAL

REPAYMENTS
AND DIVIDENDS

1851. . . .

London . .

■ -

267.850

267.850.—

1867. . . .

Paris . . .

• •

524.792.84

1889. . . .

Paris . . .

I.544.OOO.—

1893. . . .

Chicago . .

. t

- •

5 - 493 - 485 -—

1900. . . .

Paris . . .

* •

• -

1904 . . . .

St. Louis . .

4.600.000

438.OOO

5.O38.OOO.—

DATE

WHERE HELD

TOTAL

DISBURSEMENTS

BALANCE AMOUNT

GRAND TOTAL
DISBURSEMENTS

AND BALANCE

(EQUAL TO GRAND
TOTAL RECEIPTS)

1851. . . .

London .

I.694.456.—

I.O38.799.29

2 . 733 - 255-29

1867. . . .

Paris .

5 . 048 . 867.77

18.695.63

3.067.563.40

1889. . . .

Paris .....

9.397.617.8O

252 . 799.45

9.650.417.25

1893. • • •

Chicago ....

32.785.2OO.44

434.234.l8

33.2i9.434.62

1900, . . .

Paris .

23.OIO.56l.47

I.368.845.O5

24 . 379 - 406.52

1904. . . .

St. Louis ....

32.Oi9.IOI.59

14O.687.I I

32.i59.788.7O

( Cont .), Table 5.

HOMISSI©MS.

EXPOSITION DAYS FREE ADMISSIONS

DATE

LOCATED

WHEN
ADMISSION
WAS CHARGED

OFFICIAL

NUMBER

WHEN PART

OR ALL WERE
ADMITTED FREE

FREE

ADMISSION

ONLY

TOTAL

AVERAGE DAILY

1851. .

London. . .

141

• •

VJl

v_n

Paris. . . .

199

200

63O.937

3-155

1862. .

London. . .

171

170

■ •

257.246

1.513

1867. .

Paris. . . .

217

■ •

4.I4O.I4I

19.079

1873. .

Vienna . . .

■ •

l86

• •

2.000.000

10,753

1876. .

Philadelphia .

159

- • ■

I.906.692

11.992

1889. .

Paris. . . .

X8 5

185

• •

6.787.188

36.687

1893, .

Chicago. . .

179

183

6.059.38O

33 -in

1900. ,

Paris. . . .

2II

212

II.652.124

54.963

1904. .

St. Louis . .

185

- •

6.890.239

37.244

PAID ADMISSIONS

FREE ADA 11 SSIONS

ON ANY ONE DAY

DATE

LOCATED

TOTAL

AT GATE

TOTAL

ADA 1 ISSIONS

BY COUPONS

OR SEASON
TICKETS

GRAND TOTAL
PAID

ADMISSIONS

AVERAGE DAILY

LARGEST

NUMBER

SMALLEST

NUMBER

1851. .

London. . .

5.265.429

777.376

6.039.195

42.831

• •

1855. .

Paris. . .

* 4 - 433-593

* 97.8OO

* 4 - 53 M 93

22.771

105.022

• ■

1862. .

London. . .

5.124.617

829.240

5 - 953-857

34.818

• •

• ■

1867. .

Paris. . . .

8.912.806

* 770.808

9.683.614

44.625

• -

• *

1873. •

Vienna . . .

* 5-254,687

• •

5.254.687

28.251

• •

1876. .

Philadelphia .

8.004.274

■ •

8.004.274

5O.34I

110.500

2.468

1889. .

Paris. . . .

* 25.398.609

* 164.500

25.563.109

138.179

57.233

7.OO7

1893. .

Chicago. . .

21.480.141

■ •

21.480.141

120.001

47-269

5.641

1900. .

Paris. . . .

* 39.027.177

* 181.5OO

39.208.677

185.823

85.787

20.922

X 904 . •

St. Louis . .

11.828.984

975.632

12.804.616

69.214

84.968

22.837

DATE

LOCATED

PAID ADMISSIONS

ON ANY ONE DAY

LARGEST SMALLEST

NUMBER NUMBER

FREE & PAID
ON ANY

LARGEST

NUMBER

ADMISSIONS

ONE DAY

SMALLEST

NUMBER

ATTENDANCE

FREE

PERCENTAGE

PAID

CTl

London . .

109.915

9.327

109.915

9.327

• ,

1855. .

Paris. . .

123.017

• •

.122

.878

1862. .

London . .

• •

• -

67.891

5.615

.041

•959

1867. .

Paris, . .

184.405

I.602

184.405

1.602

.299

.701

1873. .

Vienna . .

- •

• •

139,073

- •

275

.725

1876. .

Philadelphia

257.169

7.056

274.919

12.720

.19

.81

1889. .

Paris. . .

387.877

36.322

420.647

59-947

.21

•79

1893. .

Chicago. .

716.881

IO.79I

761.942

19.524

.22

•78

r.900. .

Paris. . .

595438

34-979

652.082

73-565

•73

• 77

1904. .

•

St. Louis .

358.403

9.030

404.450

48.875

•35

.65

All amounts or numbers marked by an “ * ,, are estimated from the best sources available.
(2) This is the largest number with the exception of Nov. 7 - 449.634 - all admitted free.

(cont.) Table 5.

ATTENDANCE

ON EXPOSITION DAYS

PRE-EXPOSITION PERIOD

POST EXPOSITION PERIOD

DATE

LOCATED

GRAND TOTAL

FREE & PAID

DAILY
AVERAGES
FREE & PAID

PAID

ADMISSIONS

ADMISSIONS
$ RECEIPTS

PAID

RECEIPTS

ADMISSION
$ RECEIPTS

1851.

London. .

6.039.195

42.831

.. ,

1855.

Paris. . .

5.162.330

25.812

• -

1862.

London. .

LX)

36.322

• •

X867.

Paris. . .

. * 13.823.755

63.704

129.639

25.O2O.46

20.520

2.029.67

1873.

Vienna . .

. * 7.254.687

39.004

, .

. .

1876.

Philadelphia

9.910.966

62.333

43.327

19.912.—

1889.

Paris. . .

32.350.297

174.866

• •

II7.376

1893.

Chicago. .

27.539.521

153,700

• •

282.64i.97

•

3i.666.50

1900.

Paris. . .

50.860.801

239.909

- •

• •

1904. . .

DATE

St. Louis .

19.694.855

LOCATED

IO6.459

. . 175.906.25 . . 19.5XO.75

EXPOSITION PERIOD ADMISSION RECEIPTS

TOTAL AVERAGE PRICE AVERAGE DAILY

RECEIPTS ADMISSION S RECEIPTS

1851.

• •

London. . . .

2.062.172.94

.341

14.625.34

1855 .

• •

Paris.

6l8.O79.6l

.136

3.IO5.93

1862.

London.

I.987.907.38

.320

II.625.25

1867.

Paris.

1.870.212.18

.193

8.618.49

I 873 -

Vienna .

964,216.90

.183

5.183.96

1876.

Philadelphia . . .

3.813.724.49

.476

23,985,69

1889.

Paris . . . . ’

4.165.624.60

.163

22.5i6.89

1893.

Chicago ....

IO.336.065.75

.481

57 . 743-38

1900.

Paris .

I3.2i9.253.94

•337

62.650.49

1904.

. . . . St. Louis ....

All amounts or numbers marked by an “ * „ are
(2) This is the largest number with the exception

. . 6.047.936.95 .472

estimated from the best sources available,
of Nov. 7 - 449 .634 - ail admitted free.

32.69i.55

Table 6, Appendix II.

Promotion of Friendship and Peace :

The co-operation of the nations in the management of enterprises common to them all, the mingling
of the people at the great World Centre would lead to a better understanding, to a closer relation and to
peace. A continuous reign of peace would be an enormous economic advantage to the world. War
always means the employment of large bodies of men and large amounts of capital in an unproductive
enterprise. It always means loss of life and limb and an increase in the number dependent. The
following table * indicates the number of men engaged, the number lost and the cost of all the important
wars during the last century and a quarter, excluding the Balkan and present wars.

WHRS H2SD THEIR S0ST.

Dates

Countries Engaged

Cost

Loss of Life

in the Field

1793-1815. .

England and France.

6.250.000.000

1.900.000

3.000.000

1812-18x5. .

France and Russia.>

450.625.000

—

1.500.000

1828. . . .

Russia and Turkey.

100.000.000

120.000

—

1830-1840. .

Spain and Portugal (civil war) ....

250.000.000

160.000

300.000

1830-1847. .

France and Algeria.

190.000.000

110.000

150.000

1848. . . .

Revolts in Europe.

50.000.000

60.000

—

1845. . . .

United States and Mexico.

—

10.000

90.100

England..

371.000.000

j France...

332.000.000

1854-1856. .

, Sardinia and Turkey.. .

128.000.000

i 609.797

1.460,000

I Austria.

68 600.000 |

1 Russia. . ..

800.000.000

i France .

. 75.000.000

1 24.000

128.000

1859. . . .

\ Austria.

127.000.000

200.000

v Italy..

51.000.000

\ _

50.000

294.400

2.041.600

1861-1865. .

The Rebellion.

{

I 200.000

750.000

1864. . . .

Denmark, Prussia and Austria ....

361000.000

—

1866. . . .

Prussia and Austria.

57.000

639.000

1864-1870. .

Brazil, Argentine and Paraguay . . . .

240.000.000

330.000

—

1865-1866. .

France and Mexico.

65.000

100.000

1870-1871. .

j France.

1 Germany.

( 311.000

1.713.009

1876-1877. .

. Russia.

j Turkey ..

i 180.000

1.500.000

1898. . . .

Spain and the United States.

20.000

300.000

1900-1901. .

Transvaal Republic and England. . . .

1.000.100.000

91.000

400.000

1904-1905. .

Russia and Japan. . .

2.500.000.000

555.900

2.500.000

Expense of wars,
Expense of wars.

1793 i860

1861-1910

9.243.225.000

14.080.321.240

Total.

• • i

23.323.546.240

Loss of life, military service

Armies in the field .

5.098.097

16.822.200

' k Reproduced from The Cost of Living, Massachusetts 1910, page 202.

Total Imports of Merchandise for Home Consumption 1907 to 1917.

(Figures taken from the “ Statistical Abstract of Foreign countries Parts 1-3 as prepared by the Department of Commerce.

Bureau of Statistics of the U. S. Gouvernment).

Year

IOOO §

xooo £

UNITED STATES

1907

1.434.421.425

RUSSIA.

1907

89.444

1908

1.194.341.792

» .

1908

96.336

1909

1.311.920.224

» * . . . .

1909

95.669

1010

1.556.947.430

» .

1910

114.469

1911

1.527.226.105

» .....

1911

122.622

19x2

1.653.264.934

» .....

1912

123.689

1913

1.813.008.243

AUSTRIA HUNGARY

1907

104.249

1000 S

1000 £

1908

99.921

1909

114.430

UNITED KINGDOM

1907

2.695.711

1910

118.869

1911

132.998

GERMANY. . .

1907

430.144

19x2

148.200

» ...

1908

376.941

» ...

1909

419.239

ITALY.

1907

532.775

» ...

1910

439.260

» .

1908

116.531

>/ ...

1911

477.197

» .

1909

124.468

» ...

1912

225.661

» .

1910

129.839

» .

1911

135.572

1912

148.007

FRANCE . . .

1907

1.201.031

» ...

1908

225.620

AUSTRALIA . . .

1907

51.809.033

» ...

1909

249.844

» ...

1908

49.799.273

A> ...

1910

286.932

» ...

1909

51.171.896

» ...

1911

322.632

» ...

1910

60.014.351

» ...

1912

329.282

JAPAN .

1907

246.545

NETHERLANDS .

1907

1.068.823

» .

1908

46.150

1908

234.158

» .

1909

41.407

1909

259.009

1910

269.474

ARGENTINA . . .

1907

275.856

1911

276.317

1912

297.328

BULGARIA. . . .

1907

4.986.000

» ....

1908

5.206.000

BELGIUM . . .

1907

707.449

» ....

1909

6.417.000

» ...

•

1908

113.097

» ...

1909

148.173

DENMARK. . . .

1907

43.826

» ...

1910

170.598

» ....

1908

39-543

» ...

•

1911

180.339

» ....

1909

40.280

» ...

1912

19S.320

» ....

1910

35-245

Total Imports of Merchandise for Home Consumption 1907 to 1917.

Year

IOOO $

IOOO £

Year

IOOO $

1000 £

GREECE . . .

• 1907

28.640

MEXICO . . .

. 1907

103.248

» ...

. 1908

6.185

» ...

. 1908

23.638

» ...

. 1909

5.502

» ...

. 1909

15-979

» ...

. 1910

19.893

NORWAY . . ,

• 1907

94.491

» ...

. 1908

20.896

CHILE ....

• 1907

22.026

» ...

. 1909

21.479

» ....

. 1908

20.045

» ...

. 1910

23.846

» ....

. 1909

19.656

» ....

. 1910

22.311

PORTUGAL . .

• 1907

13.827

. 1908

15.131

URUGUAY. . .

• 1907

7.806

» ...

. 1908

7.803

ROUMANIA . .

• 1907

17.220

» ...

. 1909

8.158

. 1908

16.562

» ...

. 1910

8-573

SERBIA ....

• 1907

13.623

CHINA ....

• 1907

332.228

» ....

. 1908

3.025

» ....

. 1908

54.607

» ....

. 1909

2.941

» ....

. 1909

55.884

SWEDEN . . .

• 1907

37-895

» ....

. 1910

64.161

» ...

. 1908

33.830

INDIA ....

• 1907

380.373

» ...

. 1909

34.267

» ....

. 1908

442.822

SWITZERLAND .

• 1907

69.447

EGYPT ....

• 1907

26.801.000

. 1908

61.359

» ....

. 1908

25.754.000

■ 1909

65.684

» ....

. 1909

22.809.000

. 1910

71.516

» y\ . . .

. 1910

24.166.000

Total Exports of Merchandise from 1907 to 1917.

(Figures taken from “ Statistical Abstract of Foreign Countries „, Parts 1-3 as prepared by the Department of Commerce,

Bureau of Statistics of the U. S. Government).

Year

UNITED STATES .

1907

1.853.718.034

1000 8

IOOO £

1908

1.834.786.357

AUSTRIA HUNGARY 1907

102.387

1909

1.638.355.593

1908

93.970

1910

1.710.083.998

1909

96.619

1911

2.013.594.025

1910

100.775

1912

2.170.319.828

1913

i.428 - 5o6.358

ITALY . .

. . 1907

370.000

. . 1908

69.171

1000 8

1000 £

» . .

. . 1909

74.676

. . 1910

83.199

UNITED KINGDOM

1907

1908

2.073.300

377.104

AUSTRALIA

. . 1907

72.824.247

1909

378.180

. . 1908

64.311.058

1910

430.384

. . 1909

65.318.836

1911

454.119

. . 1910

74491-150

GERMANY . . .

1907

336.605

JAPAN . .

. . 1907

2 I 5 - 34 I

1000 £

» ...

1908

314.627

» . .

. . 1908

39.270

» ...

1909

324.215

» > .

. . 1909

43.043

» ...

1910

367.506

ARGENTINA

• • 1907

285.857

. . 1908

73.201

FRANCE ....

1907

1.080.047

. . 1909

79.470

» ....

1908

202.028

. . 1910

74-525

» . ...

1909

228.724

>> ....

1910

249.352

BRAZIL. .

. . 1907

255 -II 3

. . 1908

44.155

NETHERLANDS. .

1907

883.926

» . .

. . 1909

63.724

» . .

1908

180.966

204.062

BULGARIA.

. . 1907

5,024

1909

. . 1908

4.494

218.403

1910

. . 1909

4-457

. . 1910

5.161

BELGIUM ....

1907

545-349

» ....

1908

100.258

DENMARK.

• • 1907

23.159

» ....

1909

112.389

. . 1908

24.418

» ....

1910

136.297

. . 1909

24.657

. . 1910

26.965

RUSSIA.

1907

111.151

GREECE .

. . 1907

22.398

».

1908

I 05 - 37 I

. . 1908

4.429

» .....

1909

150,699

. . 1909

4.067

Total Exports of Merchandise from 1907 to 1917.

Year

IOOO $

xooo £

Year

IOOO $

1000 £

NORWAY . . .

1907

58.953

CHILE . .

• •

• 1907

21.006

» ...

1908

11.736

» . .

• ■

. 1908

23.936

» ...

1909

13.036

» . . .

• •

. 1909

22.343

» ...

1910

14.881

» . .

• •

. 1910

23.791

PORTUGAL . .

1907

6.842

» . .

1908

6.835

URUGUAY

■ 1907

7.273

22.161

1908

8.395

ROUMANIA . .

1907

1908

15.177

. .

1909

9.396

» . .

• •

1910

8.680

SERBIA ....

1907

15.728

» ....

1908

3.no

» ....

1909

3.719

CHINA . .

• •

• 1907

210.976

» . .

, ,

1908

36.888

SWEDEN . . .

1907

29.148

» . .

1909

44.051

» ...

1908

26.779

1910

51.274

» ...

1909

26.277

SWITZERLAND .

1907

47-559

1908

42.392

INDIA . .

• •

• 1907

573.190

1909

45.502

» . .

• •

1908

575.158

1910

48.965

MEXICO . . . .

1907

61.893

EGYPT . .

• 1907

28.743

» ...

1908

24.780

• •

1908

21.871

» .

1909

23.592

• •

1909

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